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H  I  S  T  0  E  I 


WILLIAM  THE  CONQUEROR 


BY  JACOB  ABBOTT. 


fflWftJ)  lEngrabnias* 


NEW    YORK: 
HARPER    &    BROTHERS,    PUBLISHERS, 

82     BEE  KM  AN     STKEET. 
18  54. 


Vlll 


Preface. 


selected ;  and  it  has  been  the  writer's  aim  to 
present  the  prominent  and  leading  traits  in  their 
characters,  and  all  the  important  events  in  their 
lives,  in  a  bold  and  free  manner,  and  yet  in  the 
plain  and  simple  language  which  is  so  obvious- 
ly required  in  works  which  aim  at  permanent 
and  practical  usefulness. 


C  0  H  T  E  N  T  S. 


Chapter  Page 

1.  NORMANDY 13 

II.  BIRTH    OF  WILLIAM 31 

III.  THE    ACCESSION 51 

iv.  William's  reign  in  normandy 72 

V.  THE  MARRIAGE 96 

VI.  THE  LADY  EMMA 119 

VII.  KING  HAROLD 142 

VIH.  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  INVASION 164 

IX.  CROSSING  THE  CHANNEL 189 

X.  THE  BATTLE  OF  HASTINGS 212 

xi.  prince  Robert's  rebellion 242 

xu.  the  conclusion 265 


ENGRAVINGS. 


Page 

map the  situation  of  normandy 14 

william  and  arlotte 40 

William's  escape 77 

the  bayeux  tapestry 102 

THE    RESCUE 127 

Harold's  interview  with  edward 147 

william  receiving  tostig's  tidings 166 

map normandy 189 

the  norwegians  at  scarborough 218 

William's  horse  stepping  on  the  embers.  .  .  281 


WILLIAM  THE  CONQUEROR. 


Chapter   I. 
Normandy. 


The  Norman  Conquest.  Claim  of  William  to  the  throne. 

ONE  of  those  great  events  in  English  his- 
tory, which  occur  at  distant  intervals,  and 
form,  respectively,  a  sort  of  bound  or  landmark, 
to  which  all  other  events,  preceding  or  follow- 
ing them  for  centuries,  are  referred,  is  what  is 
called  the  Norman  Conquest.  The  Norman 
Conquest  was,  in  fact,  the  accession  of  William, 
duke  of  Normandy,  to  the  English  throne. 
This  accession  was  not  altogether  a  matter  of 
military  force,  for  William  claimed  a  right  to 
the  throne,  which,  if  not  altogether  perfect,  was, 
as  he  maintained,  at  any  rate  superior  to  that 
of  the  prince  against  whom  he  contended.  The 
rightfulness  of  his  claim  was,  however,  a  mat- 
ter of  little  consequence,  except  so  far  as  the 
moral  influence  of  it  aided  him  in  gaining  pos- 
session.    The  right  to  rule  was,  in  those  days, 


14         William  the  Conqueror. 


The  right  of  the  strongest. 


Map  of  Normandy. 


rather  more  openly  and  nakedly,  though  not 
much  more  really,  than  it  is  now,  the  right  of 
the  strongest. 

Normandy,  "William's  native  land,  is  a  very 
rich  and  beautiful  province  in  the  north  of 
France.  The  following  map  shows  its  situ- 
ation : 


Map  of  England  and  part  of  France,  showing  the  situation  of  Normandy. 


A.D.  870.]  Normandy.  15 

The  English  Channel.  Nature  of  the  French  coast. 

It  lies,  as  will  be  seen  upon  the  map,  on  the 
coast  of  France,  adjoining  the  English  Channel. 
The  Channel  is  here  irregular  in  form,  but  may 
be,  perhaps,  on  the  average,  one  hundred  miles 
wide.  The  line  of  coast  on  the  southern  side 
of  the  Channel,  which  forms,  of  course,  the 
northern  border  of  Normandy,  is  a  range  of 
cliffs,  which  are  almost  perpendicular  toward 
the  sea,  and  which  frown  forbiddingly  upon  ev- 
ery ship  that  sails  along  the  shore.  Here  and 
there,  it  is  true,  a  river  opens  a  passage  for  it- 
self among  these  cliffs  from  the  interior,  and 
these  river  mouths  would  form  harbors  into 
which  ships  might  enter  from  the  offing,  were 
it  not  that  the  northwestern  winds  prevail  so 
generally,  and  drive  such  a  continual  swell  of 
rolling  surges  in  upon  the  shore,  that  they  choke 
up  all  these  estuary  openings,  as  well  as  every 
natural  indentation  of  the  land,  with  shoals  and 
bars  of  sand  and  shingle.  The  reverse  is  the 
case  with  the  northern,  or  English  shore  of  this 
famous  channel.  There  the  harbors  formed  by 
the  mouths  of  the  rivers,  or  by  the  sinuosities 
of  the  shore,  are  open  and  accessible,  and  at  the 
same  time  sheltered  from  the  winds  and  the  sea. 
Thus,  while  the  northern  or  English  shore  has 
been,  for  many  centuries,  all  the  time  enticing 


16         William  the  Conqueror. 

Nature  of  the  English  coast.  Northmen  and  Danes 

the  seaman  in  and  out  over  the  calm,  deep,  and 
sheltered  waters  which  there  penetrate  the  land, 
the  southern  side  has  been  an  almost  impassa- 
ble harrier,  consisting  of  a  long  line  of  frowning 
cliffs,  with  every  opening  through  it  choked  with 
shoals  and  sand-banks,  and  guarded  by  the  roll- 
ing and  tumbling  of  surges  which  scarcely  ever 
rest. 

It  is  in  a  great  measure  owing  to  these  great 
physical  differences  between  the  two  shores, 
that  the  people  who  live  upon  the  one  side, 
though  of  the  same  stock  and  origin  with  those 
who  live  upon  the  other,  have  become  so  vastly 
superior  to  them  in  respect  to  naval  exploits  and 
power.  They  are  really  of  the  same  stock  and 
origin,  since  both  England  and  the  northern 
part  of  France  were  overrun  and  settled  by 
what  is  called  the  Scandinavian  race,  that  is, 
people  from  Norway,  Denmark,  and  other  coun- 
tries on  the  Baltic.  These  people  were  called 
the  Northmen  in  the  histories  of  those  times. 
Those  who  landed  in  England  are  generally 
termed  Danes,  though  but  a  small  portion  of 
them  came  really  from  Denmark.  They  were 
all,  however,  of  the  same  parent  stock,  and  pos- 
sessed the  same  qualities  of  courage,  energy, 
and  fearless  love  of  adventure  and  of  danger 


A.D.870.]  Normandy.  17 

Character  of  the  Northmen.  Their  descendants. 

which  distinguish  their  descendants  at  the  pres- 
ent day.  They  came  down  in  those  early  times 
in  great  military  hordes,  and  in  fleets  of  pirat- 
ical ships,  through  the  German  Ocean  and  the 
various  British  seas,  braving  every  hardship  and 
every  imaginable  danger,  to  find  new  regions  to 
dwell  in,  more  genial,  and  fertile,  and  rich  than 
their  own  native  northern  climes.  In  these 
days  they  evince  the  same  energy,  and  endure 
equal  privations  and  hardships,  in  hunting 
whales  in  the  Pacific  Ocean ;  in  overrunning 
India,  and  seizing  its  sources  of  wealth  and 
power ;  or  in  sallying  forth,  whole  fleets  of  ad- 
venturers at  a  time,  to  go  more  than  half  round 
the  globe,  to  dig  for  gold  in  California.  The 
times  and  circumstances  have  changed,  but  the 
race  and  spirit  are  the  same. 

Normandy  takes  its  name  from  the  North- 
men. It  was  the  province  of  France  which  the 
Northmen  made  peculiarly  their  own.  They 
gained  access  to  it  from  the  sea  by  the  River 
Seine,  which,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  map, 
flows,  as  it  were,  through  the  heart  of  the  coun- 
try. The  lower  part  of  this  river,  and  the  sea 
around  its  mouth,  are  much  choked  up  with 
sand  and  gravel,  which  the  waves  have  been 
for  ages  washing  in.  Their  incessant  industry 
B 


18         William  the  Conqueror. 

The  Dukes  of  Normandy.  The  first  duke,  Rollo. 

would  result  in  closing  up  the  passage  entirely, 
were  it  not  that  the  waters  of  the  river  must 
have  an  outlet ;  and  thus  the  current,  setting 
outward,  wages  perpetual  war  with  the  surf 
and  surges  which  are  continually  breaking  in. 
The  expeditions  of  the  Northmen,  however, 
found  their  way  through  all  these  obstructions. 
They  ascended  the  river  with  their  ships,  and 
finally  gained  a  permanent  settlement  in  the 
country.  They  had  occupied  the  country  for 
some  centuries  at  the  time  when  our  story  be- 
gins— the  province  being  governed  by  a  line  of 
princes — almost,  if  not  quite,  independent  sover- 
eigns— called  the  Dukes  of  Normandy. 

The  first  Duke  of  Normandy,  and  the  found- 
er of  the  line — the  chieftain  who  originally  in- 
vaded and  conquered  the  country — was  a  wild 
and  half-savage  hero  from  the  north,  named 
Rollo.  He  is  often,  in  history,  called  Rollo  the 
Dane.  Norway  was  his  native  land.  He  was 
a  chieftain  by  birth  there,  and,  being  of  a  wild 
and  adventurous  disposition,  he  collected  a  band 
of  followers,  and  committed  with  them  so  many 
piracies  and  robberies,  that  at  length  the  king 
of  the  country  expelled  him. 

Hollo  seems  not  to  have  considered  this  ban- 
ishment as  any  very  great  calamity,  since,  far 


A  J).  870.]  Normandy.  19 

History  of  Rollo.  His  rendezvous  on  the  Scottish  coast, 

from  interrupting  his  career  of  piracy  and  plun- 
der, it  only  widened  the  field  on  which  he  was 
to  pursue  it.  He  accordingly  increased  the 
equipment  and  the  force  of  his  fleet,  enlisted 
more  followers,  and  set  sail  across  the  northern 
part  of  the  German  Ocean  toward  the  British 
shores. 

Off  the  northwestern  coast  of  Scotland  there 
are  some  groups  of  mountainous  and  gloomy 
islands,  which  have  been,  in  many  different  pe- 
riods of  the  world,  the  refuge  of  fugitives  and 
outlaws.  Rollo  made  these  islands  his  rendez- 
vous now  ;  and  he  found  collected  there  many 
other  similar  spirits,  who  had  fled  to  these  lone- 
ly retreats,  some  on  account  of  political  dis- 
turbances in  which  they  had  become  involved, 
and  some  on  account  of  their  crimes.  Hollo's 
impetuous,  ardent,  and  self-confident  character 
inspired  them  with  new  energy  and  zeal.  They 
gathered  around  him  as  their  leader.  Finding 
his  strength  thus  increasing,  he  formed  a  scheme 
of  concentrating  all  the  force  that  he  could 
command,  so  as  to  organize  a  grand  expedition 
to  proceed  to  the  southward,  and  endeavor  to 
find  some  pleasant  country  which  they  could 
seize  and  settle  upon,  and  make  their  own. 
The  desperate  adventurers  around  him  were 


20        "William  the  Conqueror. 

Expedition  of  Rollo.  His  descent  upon  Flanders. 

ready  enough  to  enter  into  this  scheme.  The 
fleet  was  refitted,  provisioned,  and  equipped. 
The  expedition  was  organized,  arms  and  muni- 
tions of  war  provided,  and  when  all  was  ready 
they  set  sail.  They  had  no  definite  plan  in 
respect  to  the  place  of  their  destination,  their 
intention  heing  to  make  themselves  a  home  on 
the  first  favorable  spot  that  they  should  find. 

They  moved  southward,  cruising  at  first 
along  the  coast  of  Scotland,  and  then  of  En- 
gland. They  made  several  fruitless  attempts 
to  land  on  the  English  shores,  but  were  every 
where  repulsed.  The  time  when  these  events 
took  place  was  during  the  reign  of  Alfred  the 
Great.  Through  Alfred's  wise  and  efficient 
measures  the  whole  of  his  frontier  had  been 
put  into  a  perfect  state  of  defense,  and  Rollo 
found  that  there  was  no  hope  for  him  there. 
He  accordingly  moved  on  toward  the  Straits  of 
Dover  ;  but,  before  passing  them,  he  made  a 
descent  upon  the  coast  of  Flanders.  Here  there 
was  a  country  named  Hainault.  It  was  gov- 
erned by  a  potentate  called  the  Count  of  Hain- 
ault. Rollo  made  war  upon  him,  defeated  him 
in  battle,  took  him  prisoner,  and  then  compelled 
the  countess  his  wife  to  raise  and  pay  him  an 
immense  sum  for  his  ransom.     Thus  he  replen- 


A.D.  900.1  Normandy.  21 


Rollo  passes  the  Straits  of  Dover.  Difficulties  encountered. 

ished  his  treasury  by  an  exploit  which  was  con- 
sidered in  those  days  very  great  and  glorious. 
To  perpetrate  such  a  deed  now,  unless  it  were 
on  a  very  great  scale,  would  be  to  incur  the 
universal  reprobation  of  mankind ;  but  Rollo, 
by  doing  it  then,  not  only  enriched  his  coffers, 
but  acquired  a  very  extended  and  honorable 
fame. 

For  some  reason  or  other,  Rollo  did  not  at- 
tempt to  take  permanent  possession  of  Hain- 
ault,  but,  after  receiving  his  ransom  money, 
and  replenishing  his  ammunition  and  stores,  he 
sailed  away  with  his  fleet,  and,  turning  west- 
ward, he  passed  through  the  Straits  of  Dover, 
and  cruised  along  the  coast  of  France.  He 
found  that  the  country  on  the  French  side  of 
the  channel,  though  equally  rich  and  beautiful 
with  the  opposite  shore,  was  in  a  very  different 
state  of  defense.  He  entered  the  mouth  of  the 
Seine.  He  was  embarrassed  at  first  by  the 
difficulties  of  the  navigation  in  entering  the 
river ;  but  as  there  was  no  efficient  enemy  to 
oppose  him,  he  soon  triumphed  over  these  diffi- 
culties, and,  once  fairly  in  the  river,  he  found 
no  difficulty  in  ascending  to  Rouen.* 

In  the  mean  time,  the  King  of  France,  whose 

*  See  the  map  at  the  commencement  of  this  chapter. 


22         William  the   Conqueror. 

Charles  the  Simple.  Defeated  by  Rollo, 

name  was  Charles,  and  who  is  generally  desig- 
nated in  history  as  Charles  the  Simple,  began 
to  collect  an  army  to  meet  the  invader.  Rollo, 
however,  had  made  himself  master  of  Rouen 
before  Charles  was  able  to  offer  him  any  ef- 
fectual opposition.  Rouen  was  already  a  strong 
place,  but  Rollo  made  it  stronger.  He  enlarged 
and  repaired  the  fortifications,  built  store-houses, 
established  a  garrison,  and,  in  a  word,  made  all 
the  arrangements  requisite  for  securing  an  im- 
pregnable position  for  himself  and  his  army. 

A  long  and  obstinate  war  followed  between 
Rollo  and  Charles,  Rollo  being  almost  uniform- 
ly victorious  in  the  combats  that  took  place. 
Rollo  became  more  and  more  proud  and  imperi- 
ous in  proportion  to  his  success.  He  drove  the 
French  king  from  port  to  port,  and  from  field 
to  field,  until  he  made  himself  master  of  a  large 
part  of  the  north  of  France,  over  which  he 
gradually  established  a  regular  government  of 
his  own.  Charles  struggled  in  vain  to  resist 
these  encroachments.  Rollo  continually  de- 
feated him  ;  and  finally  he  shut  him  up  and 
besieged  him  in  Paris  itself.  At  length  Charles 
was  compelled  to  enter  into  negotiations  for 
peace.  Rollo  demanded  that  the  large  and  rich 
tract  on  both  sides  of  the  Seine,  next  the  sea-— 


A  J).  912.]  Normandy.  23 

Treaty  of  peace.  Its  conditions. 

the  same,  in  fact,  that  now  constitutes  Nor- 
mandy— should  be  ceded  to  him  and  his  follow- 
ers for  their  permanent  possession.  Charles 
was  extremely  unwilling  thus  to  alienate  a 
part  of  his  kingdom.  He  would  not  consent  to 
cede  it  absolutely  and  entirely,  so  as  to  make 
it  an  independent  realm.  It  should  be  a  duke- 
dom, and  not  a  ssparate  kingdom,  so  that  it 
might  continue  still  a  part  of  his  own  royal  do- 
mains— Rollo  to  reign  over  it  as  a  duke,  and  to 
acknowledge  a  general  allegiance  to  the  French 
king.  Rollo  agreed  to  this.  The  war  had  been 
now  protracted  so  long  that  he  began  himself 
to  desire  repose.  It  was  more  than  thirty  years 
since  the  time  of  his  landing. 

Charles  had  a  daughter  named  Giselle,  and 
it  was  a  part  of  the  treaty  of  peace  that  she 
should  become  Rollo's  wife.  He  also  agreed  to 
become  a  Christian.  Thus  there  were,  in  the 
execution  of  the  treaty,  three  ceremonies  to  be 
performed.  First,  Rollo  was  to  do  homage,  as 
it  was  called,  for  his  duchy  ;  for  it  was  the  cus- 
tom in  those  days  for  subordinate  princes,  who 
held  their  possessions  of  some  higher  and  more 
strictly  sovereign  power,  to  perform  certain  cer- 
emonies in  the  presence  of  their  superior  lord, 
which  was  called  doing  homage.     These  cere- 


24         William  the   Conqueror. 

The  three  ceremonies.  RoIio"s  pride. 

monies  were  of  various  kinds  in  different  coun- 
tries, though  they  were  all  intended  to  express 
the  submission  of  the  dependent  prince  to  the 
superior  authority  and  power  of  the  higher  po- 
tentate of  whom  he  held  his  lands.  This  act 
of  homage  was  therefore  to  be  performed,  and 
next  to  the  homage  was  to  come  the  baptism, 
and  after  the  baptism,  the  marriage. 

When,  however,  the  time  came  for  the  per- 
formance of  the  first  of  these  ceremonies,  and  all 
the  great  chieftains  and  potentates  of  the  re- 
spective armies  were  assembled  to  witness  it, 
Rollo,  it  was  found,  would  not  submit  to  what 
the  customs  of  the  French  monarchy  required. 
He  ought  to  kneel  before  the  king,  and  put  his 
hands,  clasped  together,  between  the  king's 
hands,  in  token  of  submission,  and  then  to  kiss 
his  foot,  which  was  covered  with  an  elegantly 
fashioned  slipper  on  such  occasions.  Rollo 
would  do  all  except  the  last ;  but  that,  no  re- 
monstrances*, urgencies,  or  persuasions  would 
induce  him  to  consent  to. 

And  yet  it  was  not  a  very  unusual  sign  or 
token  of  political  subordination  to  sovereign 
power  in  those  days.  The  pope  had  exacted  it 
even  of  an  emperor  a  hundred  years  before; 
and  it  is  continued  by  that  dignitary  to  the 


A.P.912.]  Normandy.  25 

Kissing  the  king's  foot.  The  baptism  and  marriage. 

present  day,  on  certain  state  occasions  ;  though 
in  the  case  of  the  pope,  there  is  embroidered 
on  the  slipper  which  the  kneeling  suppliant 
kisses,  a  cross,  so  that  he  who  humbles  himself 
to  this  ceremony  may  consider,  if  he  pleases, 
that  it  is  that  sacred  symbol  of  the  divine  Re- 
deemer's sufferings  and  death  that  he  so  rev- 
erently kisses,  and  not  the  human  foot  by  which 
it  is  covered. 

Rollo  could  not  be  made  to  consent,  himself, 
to  kiss  King  Charles's  foot;  and,  finally,  the 
difficulty  was  compromised  by  his  agreeing  to  do 
it  by  proxy.  He  ordered  one  of  his  courtiers 
to  perform  that  part  of  the  ceremony.  The 
courtier  obeyed,  but  when  he  came  to  lift  the 
foot,  he  did  it  so  rudely  and  lifted  it  so  high  as 
to  turn  the  monarch  over  off  his  seat.  This 
made  a  laugh,  but  Rollo  was  too  powerful  for 
Charles  to  think  of  resenting  it. 

A  few  days  after  this  Rollo  was  baptized 
in  the  cathedral  church  at  Rouen,  with  great 
pomp  and  parade  ;  and  then,  on  the  following 
week,  he  was  married  to  Griselle.  The  din  of 
war  in  which  he  had  lived  for  more  than  thirty 
years  was  now  changed  into  festivities  and  re- 
joicings. He  took  full  and  peaceable  possession 
of  his  dukedom,  and  governed  it  for  the  remain- 


26         "William  the  Conqueror. 

Roilo's  peaceful  and  prosperous  reign.  Description  of  Normandy.  - 

der  of  his  days  with  great  wisdom,  and  lived  in 
great  prosperity.  He  made  it,  in  fact,  one  of 
the  richest  and  most  prosperous  realms  in  Eu- 
rope, and  laid  the  foundations  of  still  higher  de- 
grees of  greatness  and  power,  which  were  grad- 
ually developed  after  his  death.  And  this  was 
the  origin  of  Normandy. 

It  appears  thus  that  this  part  of  France  was 
seized  by  Rollo  and  his  Northmen  partly  because 
it  was  nearest  at  hand  to  them,  being  accessi- 
ble from  the  English  Channel  through  the  Riv- 
er Seine,  and  partly  on  account  of  its  exceeding 
richness  and  fertility.  It  has  been  famous  in 
every  age  as  the  garden  of  France,  and  travel- 
ers at  the  present  day  gaze  upon  its  picturesque 
and  beautiful  scenery  with  the  highest  admira- 
tion and  pleasure.  And  yet  the  scenes  which 
are  there  presented  to  the  view  are  wholly  un- 
like those  which  constitute  picturesque  and 
beautiful  rural  scenery  in  England  and  Amer- 
ica. In  Normandy,  the  land  is  not  inclosed. 
No  hedges,  fences,  or  walls  break  the  continuity 
of  the  surface,  but  vast  tracts  spread  in  every 
direction,  divided  into  plots  and  squares,  of  va- 
rious sizes  and  forms,  by  the  varieties  of  culti- 
vation, like  a  vast  carpet  of  an  irregular  tesse- 
lated  pattern,  and  varied  in  the  color  by  a  thou- 


A.D.912.]  Normandy.  27 

*   Scenery.  Hamlets.  Chateaux.  Peasantry. 

sand  hues  of  brown  and  green.  Here  and  there 
vast  forests  extend,  where  countless  thousands 
of  trees,  though  ancient  and  venerable  in  form, 
stand  in  rows,  mathematically  arranged,  as  they 
were  planted  centuries  ago.  These  are  royal 
demesnes,  and  hunting  grounds,  and  parks  con- 
nected with  the  country  palaces  of  the  kings  or 
the  chateaux  of  the  ancient  nobility.  The  cul- 
tivators of  the  soil  live,  not,  as  in  America,  in 
little  farm-houses  built  along  the  road-sides  and 
dotting  the  slopes  of  the  hills,  but  in  compact 
villages,  consisting  of  ancient  dwellings  of  brick 
or  stone,  densely  packed  together  along  a  single 
street,  from  which  the  laborers  issue,  in  pictu- 
resque dresses,  men  and  women  together,  every 
morning,  to  go  miles,  perhaps,  to  the  scene  of 
their  daily  toil.  Except  these  villages,  and  the 
occasional  appearance  of  an  ancient  chateau,  no 
habitations  are  seen.  The  country  seems  a  vast 
solitude,  teeming  every  where,  however,  with 
fertility  and  beauty.  The  roads  which  traverse 
these  scenes  are  magnificent  avenues,  broad, 
straight,  continuing  for  many  miles  an  undevi- 
ating  course  over  the  undulations  of  the  land, 
with  nothing  to  separate  them  from  the  ex- 
panse of  cultivation  and  fruitfulness  on  either 
hand  but  rows  of  ancient  and  venerable  trees. 


28        William  the   Conqueror. 

Public  roads.  Rouen.  Its  situation. 

Between  these  rows  of  trees  the  traveler  sees 
an  interminable  vista  extending  both  before  him 
and  behind  him.  In  England,  the  public  road 
winds  beautifully  between  walls  overhung  with 
shrubbery,  or  hedge-rows,  with  stiles  or  gate- 
ways here  and  there,  revealing  hamlets  or  cot- 
tages, which  appear  and  disappear  in  a  rapid 
and  endlessly  varied  succession,  as  the  road 
meanders,  like  a  rivulet,  between  its  beautiful 
banks.  In  a  word,  the  public  highway  in  En- 
gland is  beautiful ;  in  France  it  is  grand. 

The  greatest  city  in  Normandy  in  modern 
times  is  Rouen,  which  is  situated,  as  wiU  be 
seen  by  referring  to  the  map  at  the  commence- 
ment of  this  chapter,  on  the  Seine,  half  way 
between  Paris  and  the  sea.  At  the  mouth  of 
the  Seine,  or,  rather,  on  the  northern  shore  of 
the  estuary  which  forms  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
is  a  small  inlet,  which  has  been  found  to  afford, 
on  the  whole,  the  best  facilities  for  a  harbor 
that  can  be  found  on  the  whole  line  of  the 
coast.  Even  this  little  port,  however,  is  so 
filled  up  with  sand,  that  when  the  water  re- 
cedes at  low  tide  it  leaves  the  shipping  all 
aground.  The  inlet  would,  in  fact,  probably 
become  filled  up  entirely  were  it  not  for  artifi- 
cial  means   taken  to   prevent  it.     There   are 


A.D.912.]  Normandy.  29 

The  port  of  Rouen.  Its  name  of  Le  Havre  de  Grace. 

locks  and  gateways  built  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  retain  a  large  body  of  water  until  the  tide 
is  down,  and  then  these  gates  are  opened,  and 
the  water  is  allowed  to  rush  out  all  together, 
carrying  with  it  the  mud  and  sand  which  had 
begun  to  accumulate.  This  haven,  being,  on 
the  whole,  the  best  and  most  commodious  on 
the  coast,  was  called  the  harbor,  or,  as  the 
French  expressed  it  in  their  language,  le  havre, 
the  word  havre  meaning  harbor.  In  fact,  the 
name  was  in  full  le  havre  de  grace,  as  if  the 
Normans  considered  it  a  matter  of  special  good 
luck  to  have  even  such  a  chance  of  a  harbor  as 
this  at  the  mouth  of  their  river.  The  English 
world  have,  however,  dropped  all  except  the 
principal  word  from  this  long  phrase  of  designa- 
tion, and  call  the  port  simply  Havre. 

From  Rollo  the  line  of  Dukes  of  Normandy 
continued  in  uninterrupted  succession  down  to 
the  time  of  William,  a  period  of  about  a  hund- 
red and  fifty  years.  The  country  increased  all 
the  time  in  wealth,  in  population,  and  in  pros- 
perity. The  original  inhabitants  were  not, 
however,  expelled ;  they  remained  as  peasants, 
herdsmen,  and  agriculturists,  while  the  Norman 
chieftains  settled  over  them,  holding  severally 


30        William  the  Conqueror. 

Intermingling  of  races.  Superiority  of  the  Norman  stock. 

large  estates  of  land  which  William  granted 
them.  The  races  gradually  became  intermin- 
gled, though  they  continued  for  many  centu- 
ries to  evince  the  superior  spirit  and  energy 
which  was  infused  into  the  population  by  the 
Norman  stock.  In  fact,  it  is  thought  by  many 
observers  that  that  superiority  continues  to  the 
present  day. 


A.D.912.]     Birth  op  "William.  31 

Castle  at  Falaise.  Present  ruins  of  the  castle. 


Chapter  II. 
Birth  of  William. 

ALTHOUGH  Rouen  is  now  very  far  before 
all  the  other  cities  of  Normandy  in  point 
of  magnitude  and  importance,  and  though  Rol- 
lo,  in  his  conquest  of  the  country,  made  it  his 
principal  head-quarters  and  his  main  stronghold, 
it  did  not  continue  exclusively  the  residence  of 
the  dukes  of  Normandy  in  after  years.  The 
father  of  William  the  Conqueror  was  Robert, 
who  became  subsequently  the  duke,  the  sixth 
in  the  line.  He  resided,  at  the  time  when 
William  was  born,  in  a  great  castle  at  Falaise. 
Falaise,  as  will  be  seen  upon  the  map,  is  west 
of  Rouen,  and  it  stands,  like  Rouen,  at  some 
distance  from  the  sea.  The  castle  was  built 
upon  a  hill,  at  a  little  distance  from  the  town. 
It  has  long  since  ceased  to  be  habitable,  but  the 
ruins  still  remain,  giving  a  picturesque  but 
mournful  beauty  to  the  eminence  which  they 
crown.  They  are  often  visited  by  travelers, 
who  go  to  see  the  place  where  the  great  hero 
and  conqueror  was  born. 


32         "William  the  Conqueror. 

Scenery  of  the  town  and  castle.  Wall  and  buildings. 

The  hill  on  which  the  old  castle  stands  term- 
inates, on  one  side,  at  the  foot  of  the  castle 
■walls,  in  a  precipice  of  rocks,  and  on  two  other 
sides,  also,  the  ascent  is  too  steep  to  he  practi- 
cable for  an  enemy.  On  the  fourth  side  there- 
is  a  more  gradual  declivity,  up  which  the  for- 
tress could  be  approached  by  means  of  a  wind- 
ing roadway.  At  the  foot  of  this  roadway  was 
the  town.  The  access  to  the  castle  from  the 
town  wras  defended  by  a  ditch  and  draw-bridge, 
with  strong  towers  on  each  side  of  the  gate- 
way to  defend  the  approach.  There  was  a 
beautiful  stream  of  water  which  meandered 
along  through  the  valley,  near  the  towTn,  and, 
after  passing  it,  it  disappeared,  winding  around 
the  foot  of  the  precipice  which  the  castle  crowned. 
The  castle  inclosures  were  shut  in  with  walls 
of  stone  of  enormous  thickness  ;  so  thick,  in 
fact,  they  were,  that  some  of  the  apartments 
were  built  in  the  body  of  the  wall.  There  were 
various  buildings  within  the  inclosure.  There 
was,  in  particular,  one  large,  square  tower, 
several  stories  in  height,  built  of  white  stone. 
This  tower,  it  is  said,  still  stands  in  good  pres- 
ervation. There  was  a  chapel,  also,  and  vari- 
ous other  buildings  and  apartments  w7ithin  the 
Walls,  for  the  use  of  the  ducal  family  and  their 


A.D.912]    Birth  of  William.  33 

Watch-towers.  Sentinels.  Enchanting  prospect. 

numerous  retinue  of  servants  and  attendants, 
for  the  storage  of  munitions  of  war,  and  for  the 
garrison.  There  were  watch-towers  on  the 
corners  of  the  walls,  and  on  various  lofty  pro- 
jecting pinnacles,  where  solitary  sentinels 
watched,  the  livelong  day  and  night,  for  any 
approaching  danger.  These  sentinels  looked 
down  on  a  broad  expanse  of  richly-cultivated 
country,  fields  beautified  wTith  groves  of  trees, 
and  with  the  various  colors  presented  by  the 
changing  vegetation,  while  meandering  streams 
gleamed  with  their  silvery  radiance  among 
them,  and  hamlets  of  laborers  and  peasantry 
were  scattered  here  and  there,  giving  life  and 
animation  to  the  scene. 

We  have  said  that  William's  father  was  Rob- 
ert, the  sixth  Duke  of  Normandy,  so  that  Will- 
iam himself,  being  his  immediate  successor,  was 
the  seventh  in  the  line.  And  as  it  is  the  design 
of  these  narratives  not  merely  to  amuse  the 
reader  with  what  is  entertaining  as  a  tale,  but 
to  impart  substantial  historical  knowledge,  we 
must  prepare  the  way  for  the  account  of  Will- 
iam's birth,  by  presenting  a  brief  chronological 
view  of  the  whole  ducal  line,  extending  from 
Hollo  to  William.  We  recommend  to  the  read- 
er to  examine  with  special  attention  this  brief 
C 


34        William  the  Conqueror. 

Chronological  history  of  the  Norman  line.  RoUo. 

account  of  William's  ancestry,  for  the  true 
causes  which  led  to  William's  invasion  of  En- 
gland can  not  be  fully  appreciated  without  thor- 
oughly understanding  certain  important  trans- 
actions in  which  some  members  of  the  family 
of  his  ancestors  were  concerned  before  he  was 
born.  This  is  particularly  the  case  with  the 
Lady  Emma,  who,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  fol- 
lowing summary,  was  the  sister  of  the  third 
duke  in  the  line.  The  extraordinary  and  event- 
ful history  of  her  life  is  so  intimately  connected 
with  the  subsequent  exploits  of  William,  that 
it  is  necessary  to  relate  it  in  full,  and  it  be- 
comes, accordingly,  the  subject  of  one  of  the 
subsequent  chapters  of  this  volume. 

Chronological  History  of  the  Norman  Line. 

Rollo,  first  Duke  of  Normandy. 
From  A.D.  912  to  A.D.  917. 

It  was  about  870  that  Rollo  was  banished 
from  Norway,  and  a  few  years  after  that,  at 
most,  that  he  landed  in  France.  It  was  not, 
however,  until  912  that  he  concluded  his  treaty 
of  peace  with  Charles,  so  as  to  be  fully  invested 
with  the  title  of  Duke  of  Normandy. 

He  was  advanced  in  age  at  this  time,  and, 
after  spending  five  years  in  settling  the  affairs 


A.D.912.]    Birth  of  William.  35 

William  I.,  second  duke.  Richard  I.,  third  duke. 

of  his  realm,  he  resigned  his  dukedom  into  the 
hands  of  his  son,  that  he  might  spend  the  re- 
mainder of  his  days  in  rest  and  peace.  He  died 
in  922,  five  years  after  his  resignation. 

William  I.,  second  Duke  of  Normandy. 
From  917  to  942. 

William  was  Hollo's  son.  He  began  to  reign, 
of  course,  five  years  before  his  father's  death. 
He  had  a  quiet  and  prosperous  reign  of  about 
twenty-five  years,  but  he  was  assassinated  at 
last  by  a  political  enemy,  in  942. 

Richard  I,  third  Duke  of  Normandy. 
From  942  to  996. 

He  was  only  ten  years  old  when  his  father 
wras  assassinated.  He  became  involved  in  long 
and  arduous  wars  with  the  King  of  France, 
which  compelled  him  to  call  in  the  aid  of  more 
Northmen  from  the  Baltic.  His  new  allies,  in 
the  end,  gave  him  as  much  trouble  as  the  old 
enemy,  with  whom  they  came  to  help  William 
contend  ;  and  he  found  it  very  hard  to  get  them 
away.  He  wanted,  at  length,  to  make  peace 
with  the  French  king,  and  to  have  them  leave 
his  dominions ;  but  they  said,  "  That  was  not 
what  they  came  for." 

Bichard  had  a  beautiful  daughter,  named 
Emma,  who  afterward  became  a  very  import- 


36        "William  the  Conqueror. 

Richard  II.,  fourth  duke.  Richard  III.,  fifth  duke. 

ant  political  personage,  as  will  be  seen  more 
fully  in  a  subsequent  chapter. 

Richard  died  in  996,  after  reigning  fifty-four 
years. 

Richard  II.,  fourth  Duke  of  Normandy. 
From  996  to  1026. 

Richard  II.  was  the  son  of  Richard  I.,  and  as 
his  father  had  been  engaged  during  his  reign  in 
contentions  with  his  sovereign  lord,  the  King  of 
France,  he,  in  his  turn,  was  harassed  by  long- 
continued  struggles  with  his  vassals,  the  barons 
and  nobles  of  his  own  realm.  He,  too,  sent  for 
Northmen  to  come  and  assist  him.  During  his 
reign  there  was  a  great  contest  in  England  be- 
tween the  Saxons  and  the  Danes,  and  Ethel- 
red,  who  was  the  Saxon  claimant  to  the  throne, 
came  to  Normandy,  and  soon  afterward  mar- 
ried the  Lady  Emma,  Richard's  sister.  The 
particulars  of  this  event,  from  which  the  most 
momentous  consequences  were  afterward  seen 
to  flow,  will  be  given  in  full  in  a  future  chap- 
ter. Richard  died  in  1026.  He  left  two  sons, 
Richard  and  Robert.  William  the  Conqueror 
was  the  son  of  the  youngest,  and  was  born  two 
years  before  tins  Richard  II.  died. 

RicHAED  III.,  fifth  Duke  of  Normandy. 
From  1026  to  1028. 


AJD.  1028-1035.]  Biethop  William.     37 

Intrigues  of  Robert.  He  becomes  the  sixth  duke. 

'  He  was  the  oldest  brother,  and,  of  course,  suc- 
ceeded to  the  dukedom.  His  brother  Robert 
was  then  only  a  baron — his  son  "William,  after- 
ward the  Conqueror,  being  then  about  two 
years  old.  Robert  was  very  ambitious 'and  as- 
piring, and  eager  to  get  possession  of  the  duke- 
dom himself.  He  adopted  every  possible  means 
to  circumvent  and  supplant  his  brother,  and,  as 
is  supposed,  shortened  his  days  by  the  anxiety 
and  vexation  which  he  caused  him;  for  Rich- 
ard died  suddenly  and  mysteriously  only  two 
years  after  his  accession.  It  was  supposed  by 
some,  in  fact,  that  he  was  poisoned,  though 
there  was  never  any  satisfactory  proof  of  this. 

Robert,  sixth  Duke  of  Normandy. 
From  1028  to  1035. 

Robert,  of  course,  succeeded  his  brother,  and 
then,  with  the  characteristic  inconsistency  of 
selfishness  and  ambition,  he  employed  all  the 
power  of  his  realm  in  helping  the  King  of  France 
to  subdue  his  younger  brother,  who  was  evinc- 
ing the  same  spirit  of  seditiousness  and  insub- 
mission  that  he  had  himself  displayed.  His  as- 
sistance was  of  great  importance  to  King  Hen- 
ry ;  it,  in  fact,  decided  the  contest  in  his  favor  ; 
and  thus  one  younger  brother  was  put  down  in 
the  commencement  of  his  career  of  turbulence 


38         William  the  Conqueror. 

Robert  and  Henry.  William's  mother. 

and  rebellion,  by  another  who  had  successfully 
accomplished  a  precisely  similar  course  of  crime. 
King  Henry  was  very  grateful  for  the  service 
thus  rendered,  and  was  ready  to  do  all  in  his 
power,  at  all  times,  to  co-operate  wTith  Robert 
in  the  plans  which  the  latter  might  form.  Rob- 
ert died  in  1035,  when  William  was  about 
eleven  years  old. 

And  here  we  close  this  brief  summary  of  the 
history  of  the  ducal  line,  as  we  have  already 
passed  the  period  of  William's  birth;  and  we 
return,  accordingly,  to  give  in  detail  some  of 
the  particulars  of  that  event. 

Although  the  dukes  of  Normandy  were  very 
powerful  potentates,  reigning,  as  they  did,  al- 
most in  the  character  of  independent  sovereigns, 
over  one  of  the  richest  and  most  populous  ter- 
ritories of  the  globe,  and  though  William  the 
Conqueror  was  the  son  of  one  of  them,  his  birth 
was  nevertheless  very  ignoble.  His  mother 
was  not  the  wife  of  Robert  his  father,  but  a 
poor  peasant  girl,  the  daughter  of  an  humble 
tanner  of  Falaise ;  and,  indeed,  William's  fa- 
ther, Robert,  was  not  himself  the  duke  at  this 
time,  but  a  simple  baron,  as  his  father  was 
still  living.     It  was  not  even  certain  that  he 


A.D.1024.]  Birth  of  William.  41 

Robert's  first  meeting  with  Arlotte.  He  is  captivated. 

ever  would  be  the  duke,  as  his  older  brother, 
who,  of  course,  would  come  before  him,  was  also 
then  alive.  Still,  as  the  son  and  prospective  heir 
of  the  reigning  duke,  his  rank  was  very  high. 

The  circumstances  of  Robert's  first  acquaint- 
ance with  the  tanner's  daughter  were  these. 
He  was  one  day  returning  home  to  the  castle 
from  some  expedition  on  which  he  had  been 
sent  by  his  father,  when  he  saw  a  group  of 
peasant  girls  standing  on  the  margin  of  the 
brook,  washing  clothes.  They  were  barefooted, 
and  their  dress  was  in  other  respects  disarrang- 
ed. There  was  one  named  Arlotte,*  the  daugh- 
ter of  a  tanner  of  the  town,  whose  countenance 
and  figure  seem  to  have  captivated  the  young 
baron.  He  gazed  at  her  with  admiration  and 
pleasure  as  he  rode  along.  H$r  complexion 
was  fair,  her  eyes  full  and  blue,  and  the  ex- 
pression of  her  countenance  was  frank,  and 
open,  and  happy.  She  was  talking  joyously 
and  merrily  with  her  companions  as  Robert 
passed,  little  dreaming  of  the  conspicuous  place 
on  the  page  of  English  history  which  she  was 
to  occupy,  in  all  future  time,  in  connection 
with  the  gay  horseman  who  was  riding  by. 

*  Her  name  is  spelled  variously,  Arlette,  Arlotte,  Harlotte, 
and  in  other  ways. 


42        William  the  Conqueror. 

Robert  sends  for  Arlotte.  Scruples  of  her  father. 

The  etiquette  of  royal  and  ducal  palaces  and 
castles  in  those  days,  as  now,  forbade  that  a 
noble  of  such  lofty  rank  should  marry  a  peasant 
girl.  Robert  could  not,  therefore,  have  Arlotte 
for  his  wife ;  but  there  was  nothing  to  prevent 
his  proposing  her  coming  to  the  castle  and  liv- 
ing with  him — that  is,  nothing  but  the  law  of 
Grod,  and  this  was  an  authority  to  which  dukes 
and  barons  in  the  Middle  Ages  were  accus- 
tomed to  pay  very  little  regard.  There  was  not 
even  a  public  sentiment  to  forbid  this,  for  a  no- 
bility like  that  of  England  and  France  in  the 
Middle  Ages  stands  so  far  above  all  the  mass 
of  society  as  to  be  scarcely  amenable  at  all  to 
the  ordinary  restrictions  and  obligations  of  so- 
cial life.  And  even  to  the  present  day,  in  those 
countries  where  dukes  exist,  public  sentiment 
seems  to  tolerate  pretty  generally  whatever 
dukes  see  fit  to  do. 

Accordingly,  as  soon  as  Robert  had  arrived 
at  the  castle,  he  sent  a  messenger  from  his  ret- 
inue of  attendants  down  to  the  village,  to  the 
father  of  Arlotte,  proposing  that  she  should  come 
to  the  castle.  The  father  seems  to  have  had 
some  hesitation  in  respect  to  his  duty.  It  is 
said  that  he  had  a  brother  who  was  a  monk,  or 
rather  hermit,  who  lived  a  life  of  reading,  med- 


A.D.1024]  Birth  of  William.  43 

Arlotte  sent  to  the  castle.  Robert's  affection  for  her. 

itation,  and  prayer,  in  a  solitary  place  not  far 
from  Falaise.  Arlotte's  father  sent  immedi- 
ately to  this  religious  recluse  for  his  spiritual 
counsel.  The  monk  replied  that  it  was  right 
to  comply  with  the  wishes  of  so  great  a  man, 
whatever  they  might  be.  The  tanner,  thus  re- 
lieved of  all  conscientious  scruples  on  the  sub- 
ject by  this  high  religious  authority,  and  re- 
joicing in  the  opening  tide  of  prosperity  and 
distinction  which  he  foresaw  for  his  family 
through  the  baron's  love,  robed  and  decorated 
his  daughter,  like  a  lamb  for  the  sacrifice,  and 
sent  her  to  the  castle. 

Arlotte  had  one  of  the  rooms  assigned  her, 
which  was  built  in  the  thickness  of  the  wall. 
It  communicated  by  a  door  with  the  other  apart- 
ments and  inclosures  within  the  area,  and  there 
were  narrow  windows  in  the  masonry  without, 
through  which  she  could  look  out  over  the  broad 
expanse  of  beautiful  fields  and  meadows  which 
were  smiling  below.  Robert  seems  to  have  loved 
her  with  sincere  and  strong  affection,  and  to 
have  done  all  in  his  power  to  make  her  happy. 
Her  room,  however,  could  not  have  been  very 
sumptuously  furnished,  although  she  was  the 
favorite  in  a  ducal  castle — at  least  so  far  as  we 
can  judge  from  the  few  glimpses  we  get  of  the 


44        William  the  Conqueror. 

Birth  of  William  The  nurse's  prediction. 

interior  through  the  ancient  chroniclers'  stories. 
One  story  is,  that  when  William  was  horn,  his 
first  exploit  was  to  grasp  a  handful  of  straw, 
and  to  hold  it  so  tenaciously  in  his  little  fist  that 
the  nurse  could  scarcely  take  it  away.  The 
nurse  was  greatly  delighted  with  this  infantile 
prowess;  she  considered  it  an  omen,  and  pre- 
dicted that  the  hahe  would  some  day  signalize 
himself  hy  seizing  and  holding  great  possessions. 
The  prediction  would  have  heen  forgotten  if 
William  had  not  "become  the  conqueror  of  En- 
gland at  a  future  day.  As  it  was,  it  was  re- 
membered and  recorded  ;  and  it  suggests  to  our 
imagination  a  very  different  picture  of  the  con- 
veniences and  comforts  of  Arlotte's  chamber 
from  those  presented  to  the  eye  in  ducal  pala- 
ces now,  where  carpets  of  velvet  silence  the 
tread  on  marble  floors,  and  favorites  repose  un- 
der silken  canopies  on  beds  of  down. 

The  babe  was  named  William,  and  he  was 
a  great  favorite  with  his  father.  He  was 
brought  up  at  Falaise.  Two  years  after  his 
birth,  Robert's  father  died,  and  his  oldest  broth- 
er, Richard  III.,  succeeded  to  the  ducal  throne. 
In  two  years  more,  which  years  were  spent  in 
contention  between  the  brothers,  Richard  also 
died,  and  then  Robert  himself  came  into  posses- 


A.D.1029.]  Birth  of  William.  45 

William's  childhood.  He  is  a  universal  favorite. 

sion  of  the  castle  in  his  own  name,  reigning  there 
over  all  the  cities  and  domains  of  Normandy. 

"William  was,  of  course,  now  about  four  years 
old.  He  was  a  bright  and  beautiful  boy,  and 
he  grew  more  and  more  engaging  every  year. 
His  father,  instead  of  neglecting  and  disowning 
him,  as  it  might  have  been  supposed  he  would 
do,  took  a  great  deal  of  pride  and  pleasure  in 
witnessing  the  gradual  development  of  his  pow- 
ers and  his  increasing  attractiveness,  and  he 
openly  acknowledged  him  as  his  son. 

In  fact,  "William  was  a  universal  favorite 
about  the  castle.  When  he  was  five  and  six 
years  old  he  wras  very  fond  of  playing  the  sol- 
dier. He  would  marshal  the  other  boys  of  the 
castle,  his  playmates,  into  a  little  troop,  and 
train  them  around  the  castle  inclosures,  just  as 
ardent  and  aspiring  boys  do  with  their  com- 
rades now.  He  possessed  a  certain  vivacity 
and  spirit  too,  which  gave  him,  even  then,  a 
great  ascendency  over  his  playfellows.  He  in^ 
vented  their  plays ;  he  led  them  in  their  mis- 
chief;  he  settled  their  disputes.  In  a  word,  he 
possessed  a  temperament  and  character  which 
enabled  him  very  easily  and  strongly  to  hold 
the  position  which  his  rank  as  son  of  the  lord 
of  the  castle  so  naturally  assigned  him. 


46        "William  the  Conqueror. 

Robert  determines  to  visit  the  Holy  Land.  Dangers  of  the  journey. 

A  few  years  thus  passed  away,  when,  at 
length,  Robert  conceived  the  design  of  making 
a  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land.  This  was  a 
plan,  not  of  humble-minded  piety,  but  of  am- 
bition for  fame.  To  make  a  pilgrimage  to  the 
Holy  Land  was  a  romantic  achievement  that 
covered  whoever  accomplished  it  with  a  sort  of 
sombre  glory,  which,  in  the  case  of  a  prince  or 
potentate,  mingled  with,  and  hallowed  and  ex- 
alted, his  military  renown.  Robert  determined 
on  making  the  pilgrimage.  It  was  a  distant 
and  dangerous  journey.  In  fact,  the  difficulties 
and  dangers  of  the  way  were  perhaps  what 
chiefly  imparted  to  the  enterprise  its  romance, 
and  gave  it  its  charms.  It  was  customary  for 
kings  and  rulers,  before  setting  out,  to  arrange 
all  the  affairs  of  their  kingdoms,  to  provide  a 
regency  to  govern  during  their  absence,  and  to 
determine  upon  their  successors,  so  as  to  pro- 
vide for  the  very  probable  contingency  of  their 
not  living  to  return. 

As  soon,  therefore,  as  Robert  announced  his 
plan  of  a  pilgrimage,  men's  minds  were  imme- 
diately turned  to  the  question  of  the  succession. 
Robert  had  never  been  married,  and  he  had 
consequently  no  son  who  was  entitled  to  suc- 
ceed him.     He  had  two  brothers,  and  also  a 


A.D.  1031.]  Birth  of  William.  47 

Maneuvering  among  the  chieftains.  A  council  of  nobles. 

cousin,  and  some  other  relatives,  who  had  claims 
to  the  succession.  These  all  be^an  to  maneu- 
ver  among  the  chieftains  and  nobles,  each  en- 
deavoring to  prepare  the  way  for  having  his 
own  claims  advanced,  while  Robert  himself 
was  secretly  determining  that  the  little  William 
should  be  his  heir.  He  said  nothing  about  this, 
however,  but  he  took  care  to  magnify  the  im- 
portance of  his  little  son  in  every  way,  and  to 
bring  him  as  much  as  possible  into  public  notice. 
William,  on  his  part,  possessed  so  much  per- 
sonal beauty,  and  so  many  juvenile  aceomplish- 
ments,  that  he  became  a  great  favorite  with  all 
the  nobles,  and  chieftains,  and  knights  who 
saw  him,  sometimes  at  his  father's  castle,  and 
sometimes  away  from  home,  in  their  own  for- 
tresses or  towns,  where  his  father  took  him, 
from  time  to  time,  in  his  train. 

At  length,  when  affairs  were  ripe  for  their 
consummation,  Duke  Robert  called  together  a 
grand  council  of  all  the  subordinate  dukes,  and 
earls,  and  barons  of  his  realm,  to  make  known 
to  them  the  plan  of  his  pilgrimage.  They  came 
together  from  all  parts  of  Normandy,  each  in  a 
splendid  cavalcade,  and  attended  by  an  armed 
retinue  of  retainers.  When  the  assembly  had 
been  convened,  and  the  preliminary  forms  and 


48         William  the  Conqueror. 

Robert  announces  his  design  He  makes  William  his  heir. 

ceremonies  had  been  disposed  of,  Robert  an- 
nounced his  grand  design. 

As  soon  as  he  had  concluded,  one  of  the  no- 
bles, whose  name  and  title  was  (xuy,  count  of 
Burgundy,  rose  and  addressed  the  duke  in  re- 
ply. He  was  sorry,  he  said,  to  hear  that  the 
duke,  his  cousin,  entertained  such  a  plan.  He 
feared  for  the  safety  of  the  realm  when  the 
chief  ruler  should  be  gone.  All  the  estates  of 
the  realm,  he  said,  the  barons,  the  knights,  the 
chieftains  and  soldiers  of  every  degree,  would 
be  all  without  a  head. 

"  Not  so,"  said  Robert :  "  I  will  leave  you  a 
master  in  my  place."  Then,  pointing  to  the 
beautiful  boy  by  his  side,  he  added,  "  I  have  a 
little  fellow  here,  who,  though  he  is  little  now, 
I  acknowledge,  will  grow  bigger  by  and  by, 
with  God's  grace,  and  I  have  great  hopes  that 
he  will  become  a  brave  and  gallant  man.  I 
present  him  to  you,  and  from  this  time  forth  I 
give  him  seizin*  of  the  Duchy  of  Normandy 
as  my  known  and  acknowledged  heir.  And  I 
appoint  Alan,  duke  of  Brittany,  governor  of 
Normandy  in  my  name  until  I  shall  return, 
and  in  case  I  shall  not  return,  in  the  name  of 

*  Seizin,  an  ancient  feudal  term  denoting  the  inducting  of 
a  party  to  a  legal  possession  of  his  right. 


A.D.1033.]  Birth  of  William.  49 

Surprise  of  the  assembly.  The  nobles  do  homage  to  William. 

William  my  son,  until  he  shall  become  of 
manly  age." 

The  assembly  was  taken  wholly  by  surprise 
at  this  announcement.  Alan,  duke  of  Brit- 
tany, who  was  one  of  the  chief  claimants  to  the 
succession,  was  pleased  with  the  honor  confer- 
red upon  him  in  making  him  at  once  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  realm,  and  was  inclined  to  prefer 
the  present  certainty  of  governing  at  once  in 
the  name  of  others,  to  the  remote  contingency 
of  reigning  in  his  own.  The  other  claimants 
to  the  inheritance  were  confounded  by  the  sud- 
denness of  the  emergency,  and  knew  not  what 
to  say  or  do.  The  rest  of  the  assembly  were 
pleased  with  the  romance  of  having  the  beauti- 
ful boy  for  their  feudal  sovereign.  The  duke 
saw  at  once  that  every  thing  was  favorable  to 
the  accomplishment  of  his  design.  He  took 
the  lad  in  his  arms,  kissed  him,  and  held  him 
out  in  view  of  the  assembly.  William  gazed 
around  upon  the  panoplied  warriors  before  him 
with  a  bright  and  beaming  eye.  They  knelt 
down  as  by  a  common  accord  to  do  him  hom- 
age, and  then  took  the  oath  of  perpetual  alle- 
giance and  fidelity  to  his  cause. 

Robert  thought,  however,  that  it  would  not 
be  quite  prudent  to  leave  his  son  himself  in  the 
D 


50         William  the   Conqueror. 

William  is  taken  to  Paris.  He  is  presented  to  the  French  king. 

custody  of  these  his  rivals,  so  he  took  him  with 
him  to  Paris  when  he  set  out  upon  his  pilgrim- 
age, with  a  view  of  establishing  him  there,  in 
the  court  of  Henry,  the  French  king,  while  he 
should  himself  he  gone.  Young  William  was 
presented  to  the  French  king,  on  a  day  set  apart 
for  the  ceremony,  with  great  pomp  and  parade. 
The  king  held  a  special  court  to  receive  him. 
He  seated  himself  on  his  throne  in  a  grand 
apartment  of  his  palace,  and  was  surrounded 
hy  his  nobles  and  officers  of  state,  all  magnifi- 
cently dressed  for  the  occasion.  At  the  proper 
time,  Duke  Robert  came  in,  dressed  in  his  pil- 
grim's garb,  and  leading  young  William  hy  the 
hand.  His  attendant  pilgrim  knights  accom- 
panied him.  Robert  led  the  boy  to  the  feet  of 
their  common  sovereign,  and,  kneeling  there, 
ordered  William  to  kneel  too,  to  do  homage  to 
the  king.  King  Henry  received  him  very  gra- 
ciously. He  embraced  him,  and  promised  to 
receive  him  into  his  court,  and  to  take  the  best 
possible  care  of  him  while  his  father  was  away. 
The  courtiers  were  very  much  struck  with  the 
beauty  and  noble  bearing  of  the  boy.  His  coun- 
tenance beamed  with  an  animated,  but  yet  very 
serious  expression,  as  he  was  somewhat  awed 
hy  the  splendor  of  the  scene  around  him.  He 
was  himself  then  nine  years  old. 


A.D.  1035.]    The  Accession.  51 

Robert  departs  on  his  pilgrimage.     He  visits  Rome  and  Constantinople. 


Chapter  III. 
The  Accession. 

AFTER  spending  a  little  time  at  Paris, 
Robert  took  leave  of  the  king,  and  of 
William  his  son,  and  went  forth,  with  a  train 
of  attendant  knights,  on  his  pilgrimage.  He 
had  a  great  variety  of  adventures,  which  can 
not  be  related  here,  as  it  is  the  history  of  the 
son,  and  not  of  the  father,  which  is  the  subject 
of  tliis  narrative.  Though  he  traveled  strictly 
as  a  pilgrim,  it  was  still  with  great  pomp  and 
parade.  After  visiting  Rome,  and  accomplish- 
ing various  services  and  duties  connected  with 
his  pilgrimage  there,  he  laid  aside  his  pilgrim's 
garb,  and,  assuming  his  proper  rank  as  a  great 
Norman  chieftain,  he  went  to  Constantinople, 
where  he  made  a  great  display  of  his  wealth 
and  magnificence.  At  the  time  of  the  grand 
procession,  for  example,  by  which  he  entered 
the  city  of  Constantinople,  he  rode  a  mule, 
which,  besides  being  gorgeously  caparisoned, 
had  shoes  of  gold  instead  of  iron;  and  these 
shoes  were  purposely  attached  so  slightly  to  the 


52         William  the   Conqueror. 

Robert's  illness.  Litter  bearers. 

hoofs,  that  they  were  shaken  off  as  the  animal 
walked  along,  to  he  picked  up  hy  the  populace. 
This  was  to  impress  them  with  grand  ideas  of 
the  rider's  wealth  and  splendor.  After  leaving 
Constantinople,  Robert  resumed  his  pilgrim's 
garb,  and  went  on  toward  the  Holy  Land. 

The  journey,  however,  did  not  pass  without 
the  usual  vicissitudes  of  so  long  an  absence  and 
so  distant  a  pilgrimage.  At  one  time  Robert 
was  sick,  and,  after  lingering  for  some  time  in 
a  fever,  he  so  far  recovered  his  strength  as  to  be 
borne  on  a  litter  by  the  strength  of  other  men, 
though  he  could  not  advance  himself,  either  on 
horseback  or  on  foot ;  and  as  for  traveling  car- 
riages, there  had  been  no  such  invention  in 
those  days.  They  made  arrangements,  there- 
fore, for  carrying  the  duke  on  a  litter.  There 
were  sixteen  Moorish  slaves  employed  to  serve 
as  his  bearers.  This  company  was  divided  into 
sets,  four  in  each,  the  several  sets  taking  the 
burden  in  rotation.  Robert  and  his  attendant 
knights  looked  down  with  great  contempt  on 
these  black  pagan  slaves.  One  day  the  caval- 
cade was  met  by  a  Norman  who  was  returning 
home  to  Normandy  after  having  accomplished 
his  pilgrimage.  He  asked  Duke  Robert  if  he 
had  any  message  to  send  to  his  friends  at  home. 


A.D.  1035.]     The  Accession.  53 

Death  of  Robert.  Claimants  to  the  crown. 

"  Yes,"  said  lie  ;  "  tell  them  you  saw  me  here, 
on  my  way  to  Paradise,  carried  by  sixteen  de- 


Rohert  reached  Jerusalem,  and  set  out  on 
his  return  ;  and  soon  after  rumors  came  back 
to  Paris  that  he  had  died  on  his  way  home. 
The  accounts  of  the  manner  of  his  death  were 
contradictory  and  uncertain  ;  but  the  fact  was 
soon  made  sure,  and  the  news  produced  every 
where  a  great  sensation.  It  soon  appeared  that 
the  brothers  and  cousins  of  Robert,  who  had 
claimed  the  right  to  succeed  him  in  preference 
to  his  son  William,  had  only  suspended  their 
claims — they  had  not  abandoned  them.  They 
began  to  gather  their  forces,  each  in  his  own 
separate  domain,  and  to  prepare  to  take  the 
field,  if  necessary,  in  vindication  of  what  they 
considered  their  rights  to  the  inheritance.  In 
a  word,  their  oaths  of  fealty  to  "William  were 
all  forgotten,  and  each  claimant  was  intent  only 
on  getting  possession  himself  of  the  ducal  crown. 

In  the  mean  time,  William  himself  was  at 
Paris,  and  only  eleven  years  of  age.  Pie  had 
been  receiving  a  careful  education  there,  and 
was  a  very  prepossessing  and  accomplished 
young  prince.  Still,  he  was  yet  but  a  mere 
boy.     He  had  been  under  the  care  of  a  milita- 


54         William  the   Conqueror. 

Theroulde.  William's  military  education. 

ry  tutor,  whose  name  was  Theroulde.  The- 
roulde was  a  veteran  soldier,  who  had  long  been 
in  the  employ  of  the  King  of  France.  He  took 
great  interest  in  his  young  pupil's  progress. 
He  taught  him  to  ride  and  to  practice  all  the 
evolutions  of  horsemanship  wdiich  were  required 
by  the  tactics  of  those  days.  He  trained  him, 
too,  in  the  use  of  arms,  the  bow  and  arrow,  the 
javelin,  the  sword,  the  spear,  and  accustomed 
him  to  wear,  and  to  exercise  in,  the  armor  of 
steel  with  wdiich  wTarriors  were  used,  in  those 
days,  to  load  themselves  in  going  into  battle. 
Young  princes  like  "William  had  suits  of  this 
armor  made  for  them,  of  small  size,  which  they 
were  accustomed  to  wear  in  private  in  their 
military  exercises  and  trainings,  and  to  appear 
in,  publicly,  on  great  occasions  of  state.  These 
dresses  of  iron  were  of  course  very  heavy  and 
uncomfortable,  but  the  young  princes  and  dukes 
were,  nevertheless,  very  proud  and  happy  to 
wear  them. 

"While  William  was  thus  engaged  in  pursu- 
ing his  military  education  in  Paris,  several  com- 
petitors for  his  dukedom  immediately  appeared 
in  Normandy  and  took  the  field.  The  strongest 
and  most  prominent  among  them  was  the  Earl 
of  Arques.     His  name  was  William  too,  but,  to 


A.D.1035.]      The  Accession.  55 

The  Earl  of  Arques.  William  proclaimed  duke. 

distinguish  him  from  the  young  duke,  we  shall 
call  him  Arques.  He  was  a  brother  of  Robert, 
and  maintained  that,  as  Robert  left  no  lawful 
heir,  he  was  indisputably  entitled  to  succeed 
him.  Arques  assembled  his  forces  and  prepared 
to  take  possession  of  the  country. 

It  will  be  recollected  that  Robert,  when  he 
left  Normandy  in  setting  out  on  his  pilgrimage, 
had  appointed  a  nobleman  named  Alan  to  act 
as  regent,  or  governor  of  the  country,  until  he 
should  return ;  or,  in  case  he  should  never  re- 
turn, until  William  should  become  of  age.  Alan 
had  a  council  of  officers,  called  the  council  of 
regency,  with  whose  aid  he  managed  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  government.  This  council, 
with  Alan  at  their  head,  proclaimed  young  Will- 
iam duke,  and  immediately  began  to  act  in  his 
name.  When  they  found  that  the  Earl  of 
Arques  was  preparing  to  seize  the  government, 
they  began  to  assemble  their  forces  aLso,  and 
thus  both  sides  prepared  for  war. 

Before  they  actually  commenced  hostilities, 
however,  the  pilgrim  knights  wTho  had  accom- 
panied Robert  on  his  pilgrimage,  and  who  had 
been  journeying  home  slowly  by  themselves 
ever  since  their  leader's  death,  arrived  in  Nor- 
mandv.     These  were  chieftains  and  nobles  of 


56         William  the   Conqueror. 

The  pilgrim  knights.  They  embrace  William's  cause. 

high  rank  and  influence,  and  each  of  the  con- 
tending parties  were  eager  to  have  them  join 
their  side.  Besides  the  actual  addition  of  force 
wThich  these  men  could  bring  to  the  cause  they 
should  espouse,  the  moral  support  they  would 
give  to  it  wras  a  very  important  consideration. 
Their  having  been  on  this  long  and  dangerous 
pilgrimage  invested  them  with  a  sort  of  ro- 
mantic and  religious  interest  in  the  minds  of 
all  the  people,  who  looked  up  to  them,  in  con- 
sequence of  it,  with  a  sort  of  veneration  and 
awe ;  and  then,  as  they  had  been  selected  by 
Robert  to  accompany  him  on  his  pilgrimage, 
and  had  gone  on  the  long  and  dangerous  jour- 
ney with  him,  continuing  to  attend  upon  him 
until  he  died,  they  w7ere  naturally  regarded  as 
his  most  faithful  and  confidential  friends.  For 
these  and  similar  reasons,  it  was  obvious  that 
the  cause  which  they  should  espouse  in  the  ap- 
proaching contest  would  gain  a  large  accession 
of  moral  power  by  their  adhesion. 

As  soon  as  they  arrived  in  Normandy,  reject- 
ing all  proposals  from  other  quarters,  they  joined 
young  William's  cause  with  the  utmost  prompt- 
itude and  decision.  Alan  received  them  at  once 
into  his  councils.  An  assembly  was  convened, 
and  the  question  was  discussed  whether  Will- 


A.D.1035.]     The  Accession.  57 

Debates  in  the  council  on  the  propriety  of  William's  return. 

iam  should  be  sent  for  to  come  to  Normandy. 
Some  argued  that  he  was  yet  a  mere  boy,  in- 
capable of  rendering  them  any  real  service  in 
the  impending  contest,  while  he  would  be  ex- 
posed, more  perhaps  than  they  themselves,  to  be 
taken  captive  or  slain.  They  thought  it  best, 
therefore,  that  he  should  remain,  for  the  pres- 
ent, in  Paris,  under  the  protection  of  the  French 
king. 

Others,  on  the  other  hand,  contended  that 
the  influence  of  William's  presence,  boy  as  he 
was,  would  animate  and  inspire  all  his  follow- 
ers, and  awaken  every  where,  throughout  the 
country,  a  warm  interest  in  his  cause  ;  that 
his  very  tenderness  and  helplessness  would  ap- 
peal strongly  to  every  generous  heart,  and  that 
his  youthful  accomplishments  and  personal 
charms  would  enlist  thousands  in  his  favor,  who 
would  forget,  and  perhaps  abandon  him,  if  he 
kept  away.  Besides,  it  was  by  no  means  cer- 
tain that  he  was  so  safe  as  some  might  suppose 
in  King  Henry's  custody  and  power.  King 
Henry  might  himself  lay  claims  to  the  vacant 
duchy,  with  a  view  of  bestowing  it  upon  some 
favorite  of  his  own,  in  which  case  he  might  con- 
fine young  William  in  one  of  his  castles,  in  an 
honorable,  but  still  rigid  and  hopeless  captivity, 


58         William  the  Conqueror. 

WDliam's  return  to  Normandy.  Its  effects. 

or  treacherously  destroy  his  life  by  the  secret 
administration  of  poison. 

These  latter  counsels  prevailed.  Alan  and 
Ihe  nobles  who  were  with  him  sent  an  embas- 
sage to  the  court  of  King  Henry  to  bring  Will- 
iam home.  Henry  made  objections  and  diffi- 
culties. This  alarmed  the  nobles.  They  feared 
that  it  would  prove  true  that  Henry  himself 
had  designs  on  Normandy.  They  sent  a  new 
embassage,  with  demands  more  urgent  than  be- 
fore. Finally,  after  some  time  spent  in  nego- 
tiations and  delays,  King  Henry  concluded  to 
yield,  and  William  set  out  on  his  return.  He 
was  now  about  twelve  or  thirteen  years  old. 
His  military  tutor,  Theroulde,  accompanied 
him,  and  he  was  attended  likewise  by  the  em- 
bassadors whom  Alan  had  sent  for  him,  and  by 
a  strong  escort  for  his  protection  by  the  way. 
He  arrived  in  safety  at  Alan's  head-quarters. 

William's  presence  in  Normandy  had  the  ef- 
fect which  had  been  anticipated  from  it.  It 
awakened  every  where  a  great  deal  of  enthusi- 
asm in  his  favor.  The  soldiers  were  pleased  to 
see  how  handsome  their  young  commander  was 
in  form,  and  how  finely  he  could  ride.  He 
was,  in  fact,  a  very  superior  equestrian  for  one 
so  young.     He  was  more  fond,  even,  than  other 


A.D.1036.]     The  Accession.  59 

William's  accomplishments.  Impression  upon  fhe  army. 

boys  of  horses  ;  and  as,  of  course,  the  most 
graceful  and  the  fleetest  horses  which  could  be 
found  were  provided  for  him,  and  as  Theroulde 
had  given  him  the  best  and  most  complete  in- 
struction, he  made  a  fine  display  as  he  rode 
swiftly  through  the  camp,  followed  by  veteran 
nobles,  splendidly  dressed  and  mounted,  and 
happy  to  be  in  his  train,  while  his  own  counte- 
nance beamed  with  a  radiance  in  which  native 
intelligence  and  beauty  were  heightened  by  the 
animation  and  excitement  of  pride  and  pleas- 
ure. In  respect  to  the  command  of  the  army, 
of  course  the  real  power  remained  in  Alan's 
hands,  but  every  thing  was  done  in  William's 
name  ;  and  in  respect  to  all  external  marks 
and  symbols  of  sovereignty,  the  beautiful  boy 
seemed  to  possess  the  supreme  command  ;  and 
as  the  sentiment  of  loyalty  is  always  the  stron- 
gest when  the  object  which  calls  for  the  exer- 
cise of  it  is  most  helpless  or  frail,  Alan  found 
his  power  very  much  increased  when  he  had 
this  beautiful  boy  to  exhibit  as  the  true  and 
rightful  heir,  in  whose  name  and  for  whose 
benefit  all  his  power  was  held. 

Still,  however,  the  country  was  very  far  from 
becoming  settled.  The  Earl  of  Arques  kept 
the  field,  and  other  claimants,  too,  strengthened 


60        William  the  Conqueror. 

Claimants  in  the  field.  Iron  rule  of  the  nobles. 

themselves  in  their  various  castles  and  towns, 
as  if  preparing  to  resist.  In  those  days,  every 
separate  district  of  the  country  was  almost  a 
separate  realm,  governed  by  its  own  baron, 
who  lived,  with  his  retainers,  within  his  own 
castle  walls,  and  ruled  the  land  around  him 
with  a  rod  of  iron.  These  barons  were  engaged 
in  perpetual  quarrels  among  themselves,  each 
plundering  the  dominions  of  the  rest,  or  making 
hostile  incursions  into  the  territories  of  a  neigh- 
bor to  revenge  some  real  or  imaginary  wrong. 
This  turbulence  and  disorder  prevailed  every 
where  throughout  Normandy  at  the  time  of 
William's  return.  In  the  general  confusion, 
William's  government  scarcely  knew  who  were 
his  friends  or  his  enemies.  At  one  time,  when 
a  deputation  was  sent  to  some  of  the  barons  in 
William's  name,  summoning  them  to  come 
with  their  forces  and  join  his  standard,  as  they 
were  in  duty  bound  to  do,  they  felt  independ- 
ent enough  to  send  back  word  to  him  that  they 
had  "  too  much  to  do  in  settling  their  own 
quarrels  to  be  able  to  pay  any  attention  to  his.1' 
In  the  course  of  a  year  or  two,  moreover,  and 
while  his  own  realm  continued  in  this  unsettled 
and  distracted  state,  William  became  involved 
in  what  was  almost  a  quarrel  with  King  Henry 


A.D.  1039.]     The  Accession.  61 

Almost  a  quarrel.  Interview  between  William  and  Henry. 

himself.  When  he  was  fifteen  years  old,  which 
was  two  or  three  years  after  his  return  from 
Paris  to  Normandy,  Henry  sent  directions  to 
"William  to  come  to  a  certain  town,  called  Ev- 
reux,  situated  about  half  way  between  Falaise 
and  Paris,  and  just  within  the  confines  of  Nor- 
mandy,* to  do  homage  to  him  there  for  his 
duchy.  There  was  some  doubt  among  Will- 
iam's counselors  whether  it  wTould  be  most  pru- 
dent to  obey  or  disobey  this  command.  They 
finally  concluded  that  it  was  best  to  obey. 
Grand  preparations  were  accordingly  made  for 
the  expedition ;  and,  when  all  was  ready,  the 
young  duke  was  conducted  in  great  state,  and 
with  much  pomp  and  parade,  to  meet  his  sov- 
ereign. 

The  interview  between  William  and  his  sov- 
ereign, and  the  ceremonies  connected  with  it, 
lasted  some  days.  In  the  course  of  this  time, 
William  remained  at  Evreux,  and  was,  in  some 
sense,  of  course,  in  Henry's  power.  William, 
having  been  so  long  in  Henry's  court  as  a  mere 
boy,  accustomed  all  the  time  to  look  up  to  and 
obey  Henry  as  a  father,  regarded  him  some- 
what in  that  light  now,  and  approached  him 
with  great  deference  and  respect.  Henry  re- 
*  See  map  at  the  commencement  of  chapter  ix. 


62        William  the  Conqueror. 

Henry's  demand.  William's  indignation. 

ceived  him  in  a  somewhat  haughty  and  impe- 
rious manner,  as  if  he  considered  him  still  un- 
der the  same  subjection  as  heretofore. 

"William  had  a  fortress  or  castle  on  the  fron- 
tiers of  his  dukedom,  toward  Henry's  domin- 
ions. The  name  of  the  castle  was  Tellieres, 
and  the  governor  of  it  was  a  faithful  old  soldier 
named  De  Crespin.  William's  father,  Robert, 
had  intrusted  De  Crespin  with  the  command  of 
the  castle,  and  given  him  a  garrison  to  defend 
it.  Henry  now  began  to  make  complaint  to 
William  in  respect  to  this  castle.  The  garri- 
son, he  said,  wrere  continually  making  incur- 
sions into  his  dominions.  William  replied  that 
he  was  very  sorry  that  there  was  cause  for  such 
a  complaint.  He  would  inquire  into  it,  and  if 
the  fact  were  really  so,  he  would  have  the  evil 
immediately  corrected.  Henry  replied  that  that 
was  not  sufficient.  "  You  must  deliver  up  the 
castle  to  me,"  he  said,  "  to  be  destroyed."  Will- 
iam was  indignant  at  such  a  demand ;  but  he 
was  so  accustomed  to  obey  implicitly  whatever 
King  Henry  might  require  of  him,  that  he  sent 
the  order  to  have  the  castle  surrendered. 

When,  however,  the  order  came  to  De  Cres- 
pin, the  governor  of  the  castle,  he  refused  to 
obey  it.     The  fortress,  he  said,  had  been  com- 


A.D.1039.]     The  Accession  63 

Henry  destroys  one  of  William's  castles.       Difficulties  which  followed. 

mitted  to  his  charge  by  Robert,  duke  of  Nor- 
mandy, and  he  should  not  give  it  up  to  the  pos- 
session of  any  foreign  power.  "When  this  an- 
swer was  reported  to  William  and  his  counsel- 
ors, it  made  them  still  more  indignant  than  be- 
fore at  the  domineering  tyranny  of  the  com- 
mand, and  more  disposed  than  ever  to  refuse 
obedience  to  it.  Still  William  was  in  a  great 
measure  in  the  monarch's  power.  On  cool  re- 
flection, they  perceived  that  resistance  would 
then  be  vain.  New  and  more  authoritative  or- 
ders were  accordingly  issued  for  the  surrender 
of  the  castle.  De  Crespin  now  obeyed.  He 
gave  up  the  keys  and  withdrew  with  his  garri- 
son. William  was  then  allowed  to  leave  Evreux 
and  return  home,  and  soon  afterward  the  castle 
was  razed  to  the  ground. 

This  affair  produced,  of  course,  a  great  deal 
of  animosity  and  irritation  between  the  govern- 
ments of  France  and  Normandy ;  and  where 
such  a  state  of  feeling  exists  between  two  pow- 
ers separated  only  by  an  imaginary  line  run- 
ning through  a  populous  and  fertile  country, 
aggressions  from  one  side  and  from  the  other 
are  sure  to  follow.  These  are  soon  succeeded 
by  acts  of  retaliation  and  revenge,  leading,  in 
the  end,  to  an  open  and  general  war.     It  was 


64        William  the  Conqueror. 

War  with  Henry.  William  rescues  Falaise. 

so  now.  Henry  marched  his  armies  into  Nor- 
mandy, seized  towns,  destroyed  castles,  and, 
where  he  was  resisted  by  the  people,  he  laid 
waste  the  country  with  fire  and  sword.  He 
finally  laid  siege  to  the  very  castle  of  Falaise. 

William  and  his  government  were  for  a  time 
nearly  overwhelmed  with  the  tide  of  disaster 
and  calamity.  The  tide  turned,  however,  at 
length,  and  the  fortune  of  war  inclined  in  their 
favor.  William  rescued  the  town  and  castle  of 
Falaise ;  it  was  in  a  very  remarkable  manner, 
too,  that  this  exploit  was  accomplished.  The 
fortress  was  closely  invested  with  Henry's  for- 
ces, and  was  on  the  very  eve  of  being  surren- 
dered. The  story  is,  that  Henry  had  offered 
bribes  to  the  governor  of  the  castle  to  give  it  up 
to  him,  and  that  the  governor  had  agreed  to  re- 
ceive them  and  to  betray  his  trust.  While  he 
was  preparing  to  do  so,  William  arrived  at  the 
head  of  a  resolute  and  determined  band  of  Nor- 
mans. They  came  with  so  sudden  an  onset 
upon  the  army  of  besiegers  as  to  break  up  their 
camp  and  force  them  to  abandon  the  siege. 
The  people  of  the  town  and  the  garrison  of  the 
castle  were  extremely  rejoiced  to  be  thus  res- 
cued, and  when  they  came  to  learn  through 
whose  instrumentality  they  had  been  saved,  and 


A.D.1039.]     The  Accession.  65 


William  received  with  acclamations.  Punishment  of  the  governor. 

saw  the  beautiful  horseman  whom  they  remem- 
bered as  a  gay  and  happy  child  playing  about 
the  precincts  of  the  castle,  they  were  perfectly 
intoxicated  with  delight.  They  filled  the  air 
with  the  wildest  acclamations,  and  welcomed 
"William  back  to  the  home  of  his  childhood  with 
manifestations  of  the  most  extravagant  joy.  As 
to  the  traitorous  governor,  he  was  dealt  with 
very  leniently.  Perhaps  the  general  feeling  of 
joy  awakened  emotions  of  leniency  and  forgive- 
ness in  William's  mind— or  perhaps  the  proof 
against  the  betrayer  was  incomplete.  They 
did  not,  therefore,  take  his  life,  which  would 
have  been  justly  forfeited,  according  to  the  mil- 
itary ideas  of  the  times,  if  he  had  been  really 
guilty.  They  deprived  him  of  his  command, 
confiscated  his  property,  and  let  him  go  free. 

After  this,  William's  forces  continued  for 
some  time  to  make  head  successfully  against 
those  of  the  King  of  France ;  but  then,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  danger  from  his  uncle,  the  Earl 
of  Arques,  increased.  The  earl  took  advantage 
of  the  difficulty  and  danger  in  which  William 
was  involved  in  his  contests  with  King  Henry, 
and  began  to  organize  his  forces  again.  He 
fortified  himself  in  his  castle  at  Arques,*  and 

*  See  map,  chapter  ix. 

E 


66        William  the  Conqueror. 

The  Earl  of Arques.  Advance  of  Henry. 

was  collecting  a  large  force  there.  Arques  was 
in  the  northeastern  part  of  Normandy,  near  the 
sea,  where  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  castle  still 
remain.  The  earl  huilt  an  almost  impregnable 
tower  for  himself  on  the  summit  of  the  rock 
on  which  the  castle  stood,  in  a  situation  so  in- 
accessible that  he  thought  he  could  retreat  to 
it  in  any  emergency,  with  a  few  chosen  follow- 
ers, and  bid  defiance  to  any  assault.  In  and 
around  this  castle  the  earl  had  got  quite  a  large 
army  together.  William  advanced  with  his 
forces,  and,  encamping  around  them,  shut  them 
in.  King  Henry,  who  was  then  in  a  distant 
part  of  Normandy,  began  to  put  his  army  in 
motion  to  come  to  the  rescue  of  Arques. 

Things  being  in  this  state,  William  left  a 
strong  body  of  men  to  continue  the  investment 
and  siege  of  Arques,  and  went  off  himself,  at 
the  head  of  the  remainder  of  his  force,  to  inter- 
cept Henry  on  his  advance.  The  result  was  a 
battle  and  a  victory,  gained  under  circum- 
stances so  extraordinary,  that  William,  young 
as  he  was,  acquired  by  his  exploits  a  brilliant 
and  universal  renown. 

It  seems  that  Henry,  in  his  progress  to 
Arques,  had  to  pass  through  a  long  and  gloomy 
valley,  which  was  bounded  on  either  side  by 


A.D.1039.]      The  Accession.  67 

A  dangerous  defile.  Henry's  order  of  march. 

precipitous  and  forest-covered  hills.  Through 
this  dangerous  defile  the  long  train  of  Henry's 
army  was  advancing,  arranged  and  marshaled 
in  such  an  order  as  seemed  to  afford  the  great- 
est hope  of  security  in  case  of  an  attack.  First 
came  the  vanguard,  a  strong  escort,  formed  of 
heavy  bodies  of  soldiery,  armed  with  battle- 
axes  and  pikes,  and  other  similar  weapons,  the 
most  efficient  then  known.  Immediately  after 
this  vanguard  came  a  long  train  of  baggage, 
the  tents,  the  provisions,  the  stores,  and  all  the 
munitions  of  war.  The  baggage  was  followed 
by  a  great  company  of  servants — the  cooks,  the 
carters,  the  laborers,  the  camp  followers  of  every 
description — a  throng  of  non-combatants,  use- 
less, of  course,  in  a  battle,  and  a  burden  on  a 
march,  and  yet  the  inseparable  and  indispensa- 
ble attendant  of  an  army,  whether  at  rest  or  in 
motion.  After  this  throng  came  the  main  body 
of  the  army,  with  the  king,  escorted  by  his 
guard  of  honor,  at  the  head  of  it.  An  active 
and  efficient  corps  of  lancers  and  men-at-arms 
brought  up  the  rear. 

William  conceived  the  design  of  drawing  this 
cumbrous  and  unmanageable  body  into  an  am- 
buscade. .  He  selected,  accordingly,  the  narrow- 
est and  most  dangerous  part  of  the  defile  for  the 


68         "William  the   Conqueror. 

"William's  ambuscade.  Its  success. 

purpose,  and  stationed  vast  numbers  of  Norman 
soldiers,  armed  with  javelins  and  arrows,  upon 
the  slopes  of  the  hill  on  either  side,  concealing 
them  all  carefully  among  the  thickets  and  rocks. 
He  then  marshaled  the  remainder  of  his  forces 
in  the  valley,  and  sent  them  up  the  valley  to 
meet  Henry  as  he  was  descending.  This  "body 
of  troops,  which  was  to  advance  openly  to  meet 
the  king,  as  if  they  constituted  the  whole  of 
William's  force,  were  to  fight  a  pretended  hat- 
tie  with  the  vanguard,  and  then  to  retreat,  in 
hopes  to  draw  the  whole  train  after  them  in  a 
pursuit  so  eager  as  to  throw  them  into  confu- 
sion ;  and  then,  when  the  column,  thus  disar- 
ranged, should  reach  the  place  of  ambuscade, 
the  Normans  were  to  come  down  upon  them 
suddenly  from  their  hiding-places,  and  complete 
their  discomfiture. 

The  plan  was  well  laid,  and  wisely  and 
bravely  executed ;  and  it  was  most  triumphant- 
ly successful  in  its  result.  The  vanguard  of 
Henry's  army  were  deceived  by  the  pretended 
flight  of  the  Norman  detachment.  They  sup- 
posed, too,  that  it  constituted  the  whole  body 
of  their  enemies.  They  pressed  forward,  there- 
fore, with  great  exultation  and  eagerness  to 
pursue  them.     News  of  the  attack,  and  of  the 


A.D.1040.]     The  Accession.  69 

Pretended  flight  of  the  Normans.  Disarray  of  the  French. 

apparent  repulse  with  which  the  French  sol- 
diers had  met  it,  passed  rapidly  along  the  valley, 
producing  every  where  the  wildest  excitement, 
and  an  eager  desire  to  press  forward  to  the 
scene  of  conflict.  The  whole  valley  was  filled 
with  shouts  and  outcries ;  baggage  was  aban- 
doned, that  those  who  had  charge  of  it  might 
hurry  on ;  men  ran  to  and  fro  for  tidings,  or 
ascended  eminences  to  try  to  see.  Horsemen 
drove  at  foil  speed  from  front  to  rear,  and  from 
rear  on  to  the  front  again ;  orders  and  counter 
orders  were  given,  which  nobody  would  under- 
stand or  attend  to  in  the  general  confusion  and 
din.  In  fact,  the  universal  attention  seemed 
absorbed  in  one  general  and  eager  desire  to 
press  forward  with  headlong  impetuosity  to  the 
scene  of  victory"  and  pursuit  which  they  sup- 
posed was  enacting  in  the  van. 

The  army  pressed  on  in  this  confused  and 
excited  manner  until  they  reached  the  place  of 
ambuscade.  They  went  on,  too,  through  this 
narrow  passage,  as  heedlessly  as  ever ;  and, 
when  the  densest  and  most  powerful  portion  of 
the  column  was  crowding  through,  they  were 
suddenly  thunderstruck  by  the  issuing  of  a 
thousand  weapons  from  the  heights  and  thick- 
ets  above   them   on   either  hand — a  dreadful 


70         William  the  Conqueror. 

Rout  of  the  French.  William's  embasage  to  Henry. 

shower  of  arrows,  javelins,  and  spears,  which 
struck  down  hundreds  in  a  moment,  and  over- 
whelmed the  rest  with  astonishment  and  terror. 
As  soon  as  this  first  discharge  had  teen  effect- 
ed, the  concealed  enemy  came  pouring  down 
the  sides  of  the  mountain,  springing  out  from 
a  thousand  hiding-places,  as  if  suddenly  brought 
into  being  by  some  magic  power.  The  discom- 
fiture of  Henry's  forces  was  complete  and  irre- 
mediable. The  men  fled  every  where  in  utter 
dismay,  trampling  upon  and  destroying  one  an- 
other, as  they  crowded  back  in  terrified  throngs 
to  find  some  place  of  safety  up  the  valley. 
There,  after  a  day  or  two,  Henry  got  together 
the  scattered  remains  of  his  army,  and  estab- 
lished something  like  a  camp. 

It  is  a  curious  illustration  of  the  feudal  feel- 
ings of  those  times  in  respect  to  the  gradation 
of  ranks,  or  else  of  the  extraordinary  modesty 
and  good  sense  of  William's  character,  that  he 
assumed  no  airs  of  superiority  over  his  sover- 
eign, and  showed  no  signs  of  extravagant  ela- 
tion after  this  battle.  He  sent  a  respectful  em- 
bassage to  Henry,  recognizing  his  own  acknowl- 
edged subjection  to  Henry  as  his  sovereign,  and 
imploring  his  protection  !  He  looked  confident- 
ly to  him,  he  said,  for  aid  and  support  against 
his  rebellious  subjects. 


A.D.1040.]     The  Accession.  71 

The  castle  at  Arques  taken.  William  crowned  at  Falaise. 

Though  he  thus  professed,  however,  to  rely 
on  Henry,  he  really  trusted  most,  it  seems,  to 
his  own  right  arm ;  for,  as  soon  as  this  battle 
was  fairly  over,  and  while  the  whole  country 
was  excited  with  the  astonishing  brilliancy  of 
the  exploit  performed  by  so  young  a  man,  "Will- 
iam mounted  his  horse,  and  calling  upon  those 
to  follow  him  who  wished  to  do  so,  he  rode  at 
full  speed,  at  the  head  of  a  small  cavalcade,  to 
the  castle  at  Arques.  His  sudden  appearance 
here,  with  the  news  of  the  victory,  inspirited 
the  besiegers  to  such  a  degree  that  the  castle 
was  soon  taken.  He  allowed  the  rebel  earl  to 
escape,  and  thus,  perhaps,  all  the  more  effectu- 
ally put  an  end  to  the  rebellion.  He  was  now 
in  peaceable  possession  of  his  realm. 

He  went  in  triumph  to  Falaise,  where  he  was 
solemnly  crowned  with  great  ceremony  and  pa- 
rade, and  all  Normandy  was  filled  with  con- 
gratulations and  rejoicings. 


72         William  the   Conqueror. 

A  lapse  of  twenty  years.  Conspiracy  of  Guy  of  Burgundy. 


Chapter    IV. 
William's    Reign   in    Normandy. 

FROM  the  time  of  William's  obtaining  quiet 
possession  of  his  realm  to  his  invasion  of 
England,  a  long  period  intervened.  There  was 
a  lapse  of  more  than  twenty  years.  During  this 
long  interval,  William  governed  his  duchy,  sup- 
pressed insurrections,  huilt  castles  and  towns, 
carried  on  wars,  regulated  civil  institutions,  and, 
in  fact,  exercised,  in  a  very  energetic  and  suc- 
cessful manner,  all  the  functions  of  government 
— his  life  being  diversified  all  the  time  "by  the 
usual  incidents  which  mark  the  career  of  a  great 
military  ruler  of  an  independent  realm  in  the 
Middle  Ages.  We  will  give  in  this  chapter  a 
description  of  some  of  these  incidents. 

On  one  occasion  a  conspiracy  was  formed  to 
take  his  life  by  secret  assassination.  A  great 
chieftain,  named  Guy  of  Burgundy,  William's 
uncle,  was  the  leader  of  it,  and  a  half-witted 
man,  named  Gralet,  who  occupied  the  place  of 
jester  or  fool  in  William's  court,  was  the  means 
of  discovering  and  exposing  it.     These  jesters, 


A.D.  1040-60.]  Reign  in  Normandy.     73 

The  fool  or  jester.  Meetings  of  the  conspirators. 

of  whom  there  was  always  one  or  more  in  the 
retinue  of  every  great  prince  in  those  days,  were 
either  very  eccentric  or  very  foolish,  or  half-in- 
sane men,  who  were  dressed  fantastically,  in 
gaudy  colors  and  with  cap  and  bells,  and  were 
kept  to  make  amusement  for  the  court.  The 
name  of  Willidm's  jester  was  G-alet. 

G-uy  of  Burgundy  and  his  fellow-conspirators 
occupied  certain  gloomy  castles,  built  in  remote 
and  lonely  situations  on  the  confines  of  Nor- 
mandy. Here  they  were  accustomed  to  assem- 
ble for  the  purpose  of  concocting  their  plans, 
and  gathering  their  men  and  their  resources — > 
doing  every  thing  in  the  most  cunning  and  se- 
cret manner.  Before  then  scheme  was  fully 
ripe  for  execution,  it  happened  that  William 
made  a  hunting  excursion  into  the  neighborhood 
of  their  territory  with  a  small  band  of  followers 
— such  as  would  be  naturally  got  together  on 
such  a  party  of  pleasure.  Galet,  the  fool,  was 
amonsr  them. 

o 

As  soon  as  G-uy  and  his  fellow-conspirators 
learned  that  "William  was  so  near,  they  determ- 
ined to  precipitate  the  execution  of  their  plan, 
and  waylay  and  assassinate  him  on  his  return. 

They  accordingly  left  their  secret  and  lonely 
rendezvous  among  the  mountains  one  by  one, 


74        "William  the  Conqueror. 

Final  plans  of  the  conspirators.  Discovered  by  Galet. 

in  order  to  avoid  attracting  observation,  and 
went  to  a  town  called  Bayeux,  through  which 
they  supposed  that  William  would  have  to  pass 
on  his  return.  Here  they  held  secret  consulta- 
tions, and  formed  their  final  plans.  They  sent 
out  a  part  of  their  number,  in  small  bands,  into 
the  region  of  country  which  William  would 
have  to  cross,  to  occupy  the  various  roads  and 
passes,  and  thus  to  cut  off  all  possibility  of  his 
escape.  They  made  all  these  arrangements  in 
the  most  secret  and  cautious  manner,  and  be- 
gan to  think  that  they  were  sure  of  their  prey. 
It  happened,  however,  that  some  of  William's 
attendants,  with  Gralet  the  fool  among  them, 
had  preceded  William  on  his  return,  and  had 
reached  Bayeux#  at  the  time  when  the  con- 
spirators arrived  there.  The  townspeople  did 
not  observe  the  coming  of  the  conspirators  par- 
ticularly, as  many  horsemen  and  soldiers  were 
coming  and  going  at  that  time,  and  they  had 
no  means  of  distinguishing  the  duke's  friends 
from  his  enemies ;  but  Galet,  as  he  sauntered 
about  the  town,  noticed  that  there  were  many 
soldiers  and  knights  to  be  seen  who  were  not 
of  his  master's  party.  This  attracted  his  atten- 
tion ;  he  began  to  watch  the  motions  of  these 

*  See  map,  chapter  ix. 


A.D.  1040-60.]  Reign  in  Normandy.     75 

Galet  sets  out  in  search  of  William.  He  finds  him  asleep. 

strangers,  and  to  listen,  without  seeming  to 
listen,  in  order  to  catch  the  words  they  spoke 
to  each  other  as  they  talked  in  groups  or  passed 
one  another  in  the  streets.  He  was  soon  satis- 
fied that  some  mischief  was  intended.  He  im- 
mediately threw  aside  his  cap  and  hells,  and  his 
fantastic  dress,  and,  taking  a  staff  in  his  hand, 
he  set  off  on  foot  to  go  hack  as  fast  as  possible 
in  search  of  the  duke,  and  give  him  the  alarm. 
He  found  the  duke  at  a  village  caUed  Yalonges. 
He  arrived  there  at  night.  He  pressed  forward 
hastily  into  his  master's  chamber,  half  forcing 
his  way  through  the  attendants,  who,  accus- 
tomed to  the  liberties  which  such  a  personage 
as  he  was  accustomed  to  take  on  all  occasions, 
made  only  a  feehle  resistance  to  his  wishes. 
He  found  the  duke  asleep,  and  he  called  upon 
him  with  a  very  earnest  voice  to  awake  and 
arise  immediately,  for  his  life  was  in  danger. 

William  was  at  first  inclined  to  dishelieve 
the  story  which  Gralet  told  him,  and  to  think 
that  there  was  no  cause  to  fear.  He  was, 
however,  soon  convinced  that  Gralet  was  right, 
and  that  there  was  reason  for  alarm.  He  arose 
and  dressed  himself  hastily ;  and,  inasmuch  as 
a  monarch,  in  the  first  moments  of  the  discov- 
ery of  a  treasonable  plot,  knows  not  whom  to 


76        William  the  Conqueror. 

William's  flight.  His  narrow  escape. 

trust,  William  wisely  concluded  not  to  trust 
any  "body.  He  went  himself  to  the  stables, 
saddled  his  horse  with  his  own  hand,  mounted 
him,  and  rode  away.  He  had  a  very  narrow 
escape  ;  for,  at  the  same  time,  while  Galet  was 
hastening  to  Yalonges  to  give  his  master  warn- 
ing of  his  danger,  the  conspirators  had  been  ad- 
vancing to  the  same  place,  and  had  completely 
surrounded  it ;  and  they  were  on  the  eve  of 
making  an  attack  upon  William's  quarters  at 
the  very  hour  when  he  set  out  upon  his  flight. 
William  had  accordingly  proceeded  only  a  lit- 
tle way  on  his  route  before  he  heard  the  foot- 
steps of  galloping  horses,  and  the  clanking  of 
arms,  on  the  road  behind  him.  It  was  a  troop 
of  the  conspirators  coming,  who,  finding  that 
William  had  fled,  had  set  off  immediately  in 
pursuit.  William  rode  hastily  into  a  wood, 
and  let  them  go  by. 

He  remained  for  some  time  in  his  hiding- 
place,  and  then  cautiously  emerged  from  it  to 
continue  his  way.  He  did  not  dare  to  keep 
the  public  road,  although  it  was  night,  but  took 
a  wild  and  circuitous  route,  in  lanes  and  by- 
paths, which  conducted  him,  at  length,  to  the 
vicinity  of  the  sea.  Here,  about  day -break,  he 
wTas  passing  a  mansion,  supposing  that  no  one 


A.D.  1040-60.]  Re 

[gn  in  Normandy.     79 

William  is  recognized. 

Hubert's  castle. 

would  observe  him  at  so  early  an  hour,  when, 
suddenly,  he  perceived  a  man  sitting  at  the 
gate,  armed  and  equipped,  and  in  an  attitude 
of  waiting.  He  was  waiting  for  his  horse.  He 
was  a  nobleman  named  Hubert.  He  recognized 
"William  immediately  as  the  duke,  and  accosted 
him  in  a  tone  of  astonishment,  saying,  "  Why, 
my  lord  duke,  is  it  possible  that  this  is  you?" 
He  was  amazed  to  see  the  ruler  of  the  realm 
out  at  such  an  hour,  in  such  a  condition,  alone, 
exhausted,  his  dress  all  in  disorder  from  the 
haste  with  which  he  had  put  it  on,  and  his 
steed  breathless  and  covered  with  dust,  and 
ready,  apparently,  to  drop  down  with  fatigue 
and  exhaustion. 

William,  finding  that  he  was  recognized,  re- 
lated his  story.  It  appeared,  in  the  end,  that 
Hubert  held  his  own  castle  and  village  as  a 
tenant  of  one  of  the  principal  conspirators,  and 
was  bound,  according  to  the  feudal  ideas  of  the 
time,  to  espouse  his  landlord's  cause.  He  told 
William,  however,  that  he  had  nothing  to  fear. 
"  I  will  defend  your  life,"  said  he,  "  as  if  it  were 
my  own."  So  saying,  he  called  his  three  sons, 
who  were  all  athletic  and  courageous  young 
men,  and  commanded  them  to  mount  their  hor- 
ses and  get  ready  for  a  march.     He  took  Will- 


80        "William  the  Conqueror. 

Hubert's  sons.  Pursuit  of  the  conspirators. 

iam  into  his  castle,  and  gave  him  the  food  and 
refreshment  that  he  needed.  Then  he  brought 
him  again  into  the  court-yard  of  the  house, 
where  William  found  the  three  young  horsemen 
mounted  and  ready,  and  a  strong  and  fleet  steed 
prepared  for  himself.  He  mounted.  Hubert 
commanded  his  sons  to  conduct  the  prince  with 
all  dispatch  to  Falaise,  without  traveling  at  all 
upon  the  highway  or  entering  a  town.  They 
took,  accordingly,  a  straight  course  across  the 
country — which  was  probably  then,  as  now, 
nearly  destitute  of  inclosures — and  conducted 
William  safely  to  his  castle  at  Falaise. 

In  the  course  of  the  morning,  William's  pur- 
suers came  to  Hubert's  castle,  and  asked  if  the 
duke  had  been  seen  going  by.  Hubert  replied 
in  the  affirmative,  and  he  mounted  his  steed 
with  great  readiness  to  go  and  show  them  the 
road  which  the  fugitive  had  taken.  He  urged 
them  to  ride  hard,  in  hopes  of  soon  overtaking 
the  object  of  their  pursuit.  They  drove  on,  ac- 
cordingly, with  great  impetuosity  and  ardor, 
under  Hubert's  guidance ;  but,  as  he  had  pur- 
posely taken  a  wrong  road,  he  was  only  leading 
them  further  and  further  astray.  Finally  they 
gave  up  the  chase,  and  Hubert  returned  with 
the  disappointed  pursuers  to  his  fortress,  Will- 


A.D.  1040-60.]  Reign  in  Normandy.     81 

Defeat  of  the  rebels. ,  Their  punishment. 

iam  having  in  the  mean  time  arrived  safely  at 
Falaise. 

The  conspirators  now  found  that  it  was  use- 
less any  longer  to  attempt  to  conceal  their  plans. 
In  fact,  they  were  already  all  exposed,  and  they 
knew  that  William  would  immediately  summon 
his  troops  and  come  out  to  seize  them.  They 
must,  therefore,  either  fly  from  the  country  or 
attempt  an  open  rebellion.  They  decided  on  the 
latter' — the  result  was  a  civil  war.  In  the  end, 
William  was  victorious.  He  took  a  large  num- 
ber of  the  rebels  prisoners,  and  he  adopted  the 
following  very  singular  plan  for  inflicting  a 
suitable  punishment  upon  them,  and  at  the 
same  time  erecting  a  permanent  monument  of 
his  victory.  He  laid  out  a  public  road  across 
the  country,  on  the  line  over  which  he  had  been 
conducted  by  the  sons  of  Hubert,  and  compelled 
the  rebels  to  make  it.  A  great  part  of  this 
country  was  low  and  marshy,  and  had  been  for 
this  reason  avoided  by  the  public  road,  which 
took  a  circuitous  course  around  it.  The  rebel 
prisoners  were  now,  however,  set  at  work  to 
raise  a  terrace  or  embankment,  on  a  line  sur- 
veyed by  William's  engineers,  which  followed 
almost  exactly  the  course  of  his  retreat.  The 
high  road  was  then  laid  out  upon  tins  terrace, 
F 


82        William  the  Conqueror. 

Curious  incident.  Coats  of  armor. 

and  it  became  immediately  a  public  thorough- 
fare of  great  importance.  It  continued  for  sev- 
eral centuries  one  of  the  most  frequented  high- 
ways in  the  realm,  and  was  known  by  the  name 
of  the  Raised  Road — Terre  levee — throughout 
the  kingdom.  In  fact,  the  remains  of  it,  ap- 
pearing like  the  ruins  of  an  ancient  rail-road 
embankment,  exist  to  the  present  day. 

In  the  course  of  the  war  with  these  rebels  a 
curious  incident  occurred  at  one  of  the  battles, 
or,  rather,  is  said  to  have  occurred,  by  the  histo- 
rians who  tell  the  story,  which,  if  true,  illus- 
trates very  strikingly  the  romantic  and  chival- 
rous ideas  of  the  times.  Just  as  the  battle  was 
commencing,  "William  perceived  a  strong  and 
finely-equipped  body  of  horsemen  preparing  to 
charge  upon  the  very  spot  where  he  himself, 
surrounded  by  his  officers,  was  standing.  Now 
the  armor  worn  by  knights  in  battle  in  those 
times  covered  and  concealed  the  figure  and  the 
face  so  fully,  that  it  would  have  been  impossi- 
ble even  for  acquaintances  and  friends  to  recog- 
nize each  other,  were  it  not  that  the  knights 
were  all  accustomed  to  wear  certain  devices 
upon  some  part  of  their  armor — painted,  for  in- 
stance, upon  their  shields,  or  embroidered  on 
little  banners  which  they  bore — by  means  of 


A.D.  1040-60.]  Reign  in  Normandy.     83 

Origin  of  heraldry.  Rollo  de  Tesson. 

which  thpy  might  be  known.  These  devices 
"became  at  length  hereditary  in  the  great  fami- 
lies— sons  being  proud  to  wear,  themselves,  the 
emblems  to  which  the  deeds  of  their  fathers  had 
imparted  a  trace  of  glory  and  renown.  The  de- 
vices of  different  chieftains  were  combined, 
sometimes,  in  cases  of  intermarriage,  or  were 
modified  in  various  ways  ;  and  with  these  minor 
changes  they  would  descend  from  generation  to 
generation  as  the  family  coat  of  arms.  And 
this  was  the  origin  of  heraldry. 

Now  the  body  of  horsemen  that  were  advanc- 
ing to  the  charge,  as  above  described,  had  each 
of  them  his  device  upon  a  little  flag  or  banner 
attached  to  their  lances.  As  they  were  advanc- 
ing, William  scrutinized  them  closely,  and  pres- 
ently recognized  in  their  leader  a  man  who  had 
formerly  been  upon  his  side.  His  name  was 
Rollo  de  Tesson.  He  was  one  of  those  who  had 
sworn  fealty  to  him  at  the  time  when  his  father 
Robert  presented  him  to  the  council,  when  set- 
ting out  upon  his  pilgrimage.  William  accord- 
ingly exclaimed,  with  a  loud  voice,  "  Why,  these 
are  my  friends  !"  The  officers  and  the  soldiers 
of  the  body-guard  who  were  with  him,  taking 
up  the  cry,  shouted  "  Friends  !  friends  /"  Rol- 
lo de  Tesson  and  the  other  knights,  who  were 


84        William  the   Conqueror. 

Keeping  both  oaths.  Changing  sides. 

slowly  coming  up,  preparing  to  charge  upon 
William's  party,  surprised  at  being  thus  accost- 
ed, paused  in  their  advance,  and  finally  halted. 
Eollo  said  to  the  other  knights,  who  gathered 
around  him,  "  I  was  his  friend.  I  gave  my  oath 
to  his  father  that  I  would  stand  by  him  and  de- 
fend him  with  my  life ;  and  now  I  have  this 
morning  sworn  to  the  Count  of  Cotentin"' — the 
Count  of  Cotentin  was  the  leader  of  the  rebell- 
ion— "  that  I  would  seek  out  William  on  the 
battle-field,  and  be  the  first  to  give  him  a  blow. 
I  know  not  what  to  do."  "  Keep  both  oaths," 
replied  one  of  his  companions.  "  Gro  and  strike 
him  a  gentle  blow,  and  then  defend  him  with 
your  life."  The  whole  troop  seconded  this  pro- 
posal by  acclamation.  Rollo  advanced,  followed 
by  the  other  knights,  with  gestures  and  shouts 
denoting  that  they  were  friends.  He  rode  up 
to  William,  told  him  that  he  had  that  morning 
sworn  to  strike  him,  and  then  dealt  him  a  pre- 
tended blow  upon  his  shoulder  ;  but  as  both  the 
shoulder  and  the  hand  which  struck  it  were 
armed  with  steel,  the  clanking  sound  was  all 
the  effect  that  was  produced.  Rollo  and  his 
troop — their  sworn  obligation  to  the  Count  of 
Cotentin  being  thus  fulfilled — turned  now  into 
the  ranks  of  William's  soldiery,  and  fought  val- 
iantly all  day  upon  his  side. 


A.D.  1040-60.]  Reign  in  Normandy.     85 

Character  of  the  ancient  chieftains.  Their  love  of  war. 

Although  William  was  generally  victorious 
in  the  battles  that  he  fought,  and  succeeded  in 
putting  down  one  rebellion  after  another  with 
promptness  and  decision,  still,  new  rebellions 
and  new  wars  were  constantly  breaking  out, 
which  kept  his  dominions  in  a  continual  state 
of  commotion.  In  fact,  the  chieftains,  the  no- 
bles, and  the  knights,  constituting  the  only 
classes  of  society  that  exercised  any  influence, 
or  were  regarded  with  any  respect  in  those 
days,  were  never  contented  except  when  active- 
ly employed  in  military  campaigns.  The  ex- 
citements and  the  glory  of  war  were  the  only 
excitements  and  glory  that  they  understood,  or 
had  the  means  of  enjoying.  Their  dwellings 
were  great  fortresses,  built  on  the  summits  of 
the  rocks,  which,  however  picturesque  and 
beautiful  they  appear  as  ruins  now,  were  very 
gloomy  and  desolate  as  residences  then.  They 
were  attractive  enough  when  their  inmates  were 
flying  to  them  for  refuge  from  an  enemy,  or 
were  employed  within  the  walls  in  concentrat- 
ing their  forces  and  brightening  up  their  arms 
for  some  new  expedition  for  vengeance  or  plun- 
der, but  they  were  lonely  and  lifeless  scenes  of 
restlessness  and  discontent  in  times  of  quietness 
and  peace. 


86        William  the  Conqueror. 

Ancient  castles.  Their  interior  construction. 

It  is  difficult  for  us,  at  this  day,  to  conceive 
how  destitute  of  all  the  ordinary  means  of  com- 
fort and  enjoyment,  in  comparison  with  a  mod- 
ern dwelling,  the  ancient  feudal  castles  must 
have  been.  They  were  placed  in  situations  as 
nearly  inaccessible  as  possible,  and  the  natural 
impediments  of  approach  were  increased  by 
walls,  and  gates,  and  ditches,  and  draw-bridges. 
The  door  of  access  was  often  a  window  in  the 
wall,  ten  or  fifteen  feet  from  the  ground,  to 
which  the  inmates  or  their  friends  mounted  by 
a  ladder.  The  floors  were  of  stone,  the  walls 
were  naked,  the  ceiling  was  a  rudely-construct- 
ed series  of  arches.  The  apartments,  too,  were 
ordinarily  small,  and  were  arranged  one  above 
another,  in  the  successive  stories  of  a  tower. 
Nor  could  these  cell-like  chambers  be  enlivened 
by  the  wide  and  cheerful  windows  of  modern 
times,  which  not  only  admit  the  light  to  ani- 
mate the  scene  within,  but  also  afford  to  the 
spectator  there,  wide-spread,  and  sometimes  en- 
chanting views  of  the  surrounding  country. 
The  castle  windows  of  ancient  days  were,  on 
the  contrary,  narrow  loop-holes,  each  at  the 
bottom  of  a  deep  recess  in  the  thick  wall.  If 
they  had  been  made  wide  they  would  have  ad- 
mitted too  easily  the  arrows  and  javelins  of  be- 


A.D.  1040-60.]    R  E  I  G  N    I  N    N  O  R  M  A  N  D  Y.       07 

Nothing  respectable  for  the  nobility  but  war. 

siegers,  as  well  as  the  wind  and  rain  of  wintery 
storms.  There  were  no  hooks  in  these  desolate 
dwellings,  no  furniture  hut  armor,  no  pleasures 
hut  drinking  and  carousals. 

Nor  could  these  noble  and  valiant  knights 
and  harons  occupy  themselves  in  any  useful 
employment.  There  was  nothing  which  it  was 
respectable  for  them  to  do  hut  to  fight.  They 
looked  down  with  contempt  upon  all  the  indus- 
trial pursuits  of  life.  The  cultivation  of  farms, 
the  rearing  of  flocks  and  herds,  arts,  manufac- 
tures, and  commerce — every  thing  of  this  sort, 
by  which  man  can  benefit  his  fellow-man,  was 
entirely  beneath  them.  In  fact,  their  descend- 
ants to  the  present  day,  even  in  England,  enter- 
tain the  same  ideas.  Their  younger  sons  can 
enter  the  army  or  the  navy,  and  spend  their 
lives  in  killing  and  destroying,  or  in  awaiting, 
in  idleness,  dissipation,  and  vice,  for  orders  to 
kill  and  destroy,  without  dishonor  ;  but  to  en- 
gage in  any  way  in  those  vast  and  magnificent 
operations  of  peaceful  industry,  on  which  the 
true  greatness  and  glory  of  England  depend, 
would  be  perpetual  and  irretrievable  disgrace. 
A  young  nobleman  can  serve,  in  the  most  sub- 
ordinate official  capacity,  on  board  a  man-of- 
war,  and  take  pay  for  it,  without  degradation ; 


88         William  the  Conqueror. 

Rebellions.  Insulting  allusions  to  William's  birth. 

but  to  build  a  man-of-war  itself  and  take  pay 
for  it,  would  be  to  compel  his  whole  class  to  dis- 
own him. 

It  was  in  consequence  of  this  state  of  feeling 
among  the  knights  and  barons  of  William's  day 
that  peace  was  always  tedious  and  irksome  to 
them,  and  they  were  never  contented  except 
when  engaged  in  battles  and  campaigns.  It 
was  this  feeling,  probably,  quite  as  much  as 
any  settled  hostility  to  William's  right  to  reign, 
that  made  his  barons  so  eager  to  engage  in  in- 
surrections and  rebellions.  There  was,  how- 
ever, after  all,  a  real  and  deep-seated  opposition 
to  William's  right  of  succession,  founded  in  the 
ideas  of  the  day.  They  could  not  well  endure 
that  one  of  so  humble  and  even  ignominious 
birth,  on  the  mother's  side,  should  be  the  heir 
of  so  illustrious  a  line  as  the  great  dukes  of 
Normandy.  William's  enemies  were  accus- 
tomed to  designate  him  by  opprobrious  epithets, 
derived  from  the  circumstances  of  his  birth. 
Though  he  was  patient  and  enduring,  and  often 
very  generous  in  forgiving  other  injuries,  these 
insults  to  the  memory  of  his  mother  always 
stung  him  very  deeply,  and  awakened  the 
strongest  emotions  of  resentment.  One  in- 
stance of  this  was  so  conspicuous  that  it  is  re- 


A.D.  1040-60.]  Reign  in  Normandy.     89 

The  ambuscade.  Its  failure. 

corded  in  almost  all  the  histories  of  William 
that  have  been  written. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  one  of  the  wars  in 
which  he  was  involved,  that  he  was  advancing 
across  the  country  to  the  attack  of  a  strong 
castle,  which,  in  addition  to  the  natural  strength 
of  its  walls  and  fortifications,  was  defended  by 
a  numerous  and  powerful  garrison.  So  con- 
fident, in  fact,  were  the  garrison  in  their  num- 
bers and  power,  that  when  they  heard  that 
William  was  advancing  to  attack  them,  they 
sent  out  a  detachment  to  meet  him.  This  de- 
tachment, however,  were  not  intending  to  give 
him  open  battle.  Their  plan  was  to  lay  in 
ambuscade,  and  attack  William's  troops  when 
they  came  to  the  spot,  and  while  they  were  un- 
aware of  the  vicinity  of  an  enemy,  and  off  their 
guard. 

William,  however,  they  found,  was  not  off  his 
guard.  He  attacked  the  ambuscade  with  so 
much  vigor  as  to  put  the  whole  force  immedi- 
ately to  flight.  Of  course  the  fugitives  direct- 
ed their  steps  toward  the  castle.  William  and 
his  soldiers  followed  them  in  headlong  pursuit. 
The  end  was,  that  the  detachment  from  the  gar- 
rison had  scarcely  time,  after  making  good  their 
own  entrance,  to  raise  the  draw-bridges  and  se- 


90         "William  the   Conqueror. 

Insults  of  the  garrison.  Indignation  of  William. 

cure  the  gates,  so  as  to  keep  their  pursuers  from 
entering  too.  They  did,  however,  succeed  in 
doing  this,  and  William,  establishing  his  troops 
about  the  castle,  opened  his  lines  and  com- 
menced a  regular  siege. 

The  garrison  were  very  naturally  vexed  and 
irritated  at  the  bad  success  of  their  intended 
stratagem.  To  have  the  ambuscade  not  only 
fail  of  its  object,  but  to  have  also  the  men  that 
formed  it  driven  thus  ignominiously  in,  and  so 
narrowly  escaping,  also,  the  danger  of  letting  in 
the  whole  troop  of  their  enemies  after  them, 
wTas  a  great  disgrace.  To  retaliate  upon  "Will- 
iam, and  to  throw  back  upon  him  the  feelings 
of  mortification  and  chagrin  which  they  felt 
themselves,  they  mounted  the  walls  and  towTers, 
and  shouted  out  all  sorts  of  reproaches  and  in- 
sults. Finally,  when  they  found  that  they 
could  not  make  mere  words  sufficiently  sting- 
ing, they  went  and  procured  skins  and  hides, 
and  aprons  of  leather,  and  every  thing  else  that 
they  could  find  that  was  connected  with  the 
trade  of  a  tanner,  and  shook  them  at  the  troops 
of  their  assailants  from  the  towers  and  walls, 
with  shouts  of  merriment  and  derision. 

William  was  desperately  enraged  at  these  in- 
sults.    He  organized  an  assaulting  party,  and 


A.D.  1040-60.]  Reign  in  Normandy.     91 

William's  campaign  in  France.  His  popularity. 

by  means  of  the  great  exertions  which  the  ex- 
asperation of  his  men  stimulated  them  to  make, 
he  carried  some  of  the  outworks,  and  took  a 
number  of  prisoners.  These  prisoners  he  cut 
to  pieces,  and  then  caused  their  bloody  and 
mangled  limbs  and  members  to  be  thrown,  by 
great  slings,  over  the  castle  walls. 

At  one  time  during  the  period  which  is  in- 
cluded within  the  limits  of  this  chapter,  and  in 
the  course  of  one  of  those  intervals  of  peace  and 
quietness  within  his  own  dominions  which  Will- 
iam sometimes  enjoyed,  the  King  of  France  be- 
came involved  in  a  war  with  one  of  his  own  re- 
bellious subjects,  and  William  went,  with  an 
army  of  Normans,  to  render  him  aid.  King 
Henry  was  at  first  highly  gratified  at  this 
prompt  and  effectual  succor,  but  he  soon  after- 
ward began  to  feel  jealous  of  the  universal  pop- 
ularity and  renown  which  the  young  duke  be- 
gan soon  to  acquire.  William  was  at  that  time 
only  about  twenty-four  years  old,  but  he  took 
the  direction  of  every  thing — moved  to  and  fro 
with  the  utmost  celerity — planned  the  cam- 
paigns— directed  the  sieges,  and  by  his  personal 
accomplishments  and  his  bravery,  he  won  all 
hearts,  and  wras  the  subject  of  every  body's 
praises.     King  Henry  found  himself  supplant- 


92        William  the  Conqueror. 

William's  prowess.  True  nature  of  courage. 

ed,  in  some  measure,  in  the  regard  and  honora- 
ble consideration  of  his  subjects,  and  he  began 
to  feel  very  envious  and  jealous  of  his  rival. 

Sometimes  particular  incidents  would  occur, 
in  which  William's  feats  of  prowess  or  dex- 
terity would  so  excite  the  admiration  of  the 
army  that  he  would  be  overwhelmed  with  ac- 
clamations and  applause.  These  were  gener- 
ally exploits  of  combat  on  the  field,  or  of  escape 
from  pursuers  when  outnumbered,  in  which  good 
fortune  had  often,  perhaps,  quite  as  much  to 
do  in  securing  the  result  as  strength  or  cour- 
age. But  in  those  days  a  soldier's  good  luck 
was  perhaps  as  much  the  subject  of  applause 
as  his  muscular  force  or  his  bravery ;  and,  in 
fact,  it  was  as  deservedly  so;  for  the  strength 
of  arm,  and  the  coolness,  or,  rather,  the  ferocity 
of  courage,  which  make  a  good  combatant  in 
personal  contests  on  a  battle-field,  are  qualities 
of  brutes  rather  than  of  men.  We  feel  a  spe- 
cies of  respect  for  them  in  the  lion  or  tiger,  but 
they  deserve  only  execration  when  exercised  in 
the  wantonness  of  hatred  and  revenge  by  man 
against  his  brother  man. 

One  of  the  instances  of  William's  extraordi- 
nary success  was  the  following.  He  was  re- 
connoitering  the  enemy  on  one  occasion,  ac- 


A.D.  1040-60.]  Reign  in  Normandy.    93 

An  ambuscade.  William's  bravery. 

companied  only  by  four  or  five  knights,  who 
acted  as  his  attendants  and  body-guard.  The 
party  were  at  a  distance  from  the  camp  of  the 
enemy,  and  supposed  they  were  not  observed. 
They  were  observed,  however,  and  immediately 
a  party  of  twelve  chosen  horsemen  was  formed, 
and  ordered  to  ride  out  and  surprise  them.  This 
detachment  concealed  themselves  in  an  ambus- 
cade, at  a  place  where  the  reconnoitering  party 
must  pass,  and  when  the  proper  moment  ar- 
rived, they  burst  out  suddenly  upon  them  and 
summoned  them  to  surrender.  Twelve  against 
six  seemed  to  render  both  flight  and  resistance 
equally  vain.  William,  however,  advanced  im- 
mediately to  the  attack  of  the  ambuscaders.  He 
poised  his  long  lance,  and,  riding  on  with  it  at 
full  speed,  he  unhorsed  and  killed  the  foremost 
of  them  at  a  blow.  Then,  just  drawing  back 
his  weapon  to  gather  strength  for  another  blow, 
he  killed  the  second  of  his  enemies  in  the  same 
manner.  His  followers  were  so  much  animated 
at  this  successful  onset,  that  they  advanced  very 
resolutely  to  the  combat.  In  the  mean  time, 
the  shouts  carried  the  alarm  to  William's  camp, 
and  a  strong  party  set  off  to  rescue  William 
and  his  companions.  The  others  then  turned 
to  ^ly,  while  William  followed  them  so  eagerly 


94        "William  the  Conqueror. 

William's  victory.  Applause  of  the  French  army. 

and  closely,  that  he  and  they  who  were  with 
him  overtook  and  disabled  seven  of  them,  and 
made  them  prisoners.  The  rest  escaped.  Will- 
iam and  his  party  then  turned  and  "began  to 
proceed  toward  their  own  camp,  conveying  their 
prisoners  in  their  train. 

They  were  met  by  King  Henry  himself  at 
the  head  of  a  detachment  of  three  hundred  men, 
who,  not  knowing  how  much  necessity  there 
might  be  for  efficient  aid,  were  hastening  to 
the  scene  of  action.  The  sight  of  William 
coming  home  victorious,  and  the  tales  told  by 
his  companions  of  the  invincible  strength  and 
daring  which  he  had  displayed  in  the  sudden 
danger,  awTakened  a  universal  enthusiasm,  and 
the  plaudits  and  encomiums  with  which  the 
whole  camp  resounded  wrere  doubtless  as  de- 
licious and  intoxicating  to  him  as  they  were 
bitter  to  the  king. 

It  was  by  such  deeds,  and  by  such  personal 
and  mental  characteristics  as  these,  that  Will- 
iam, notwithstanding  the  untoward  influences 
of  his  birth,  fought  his  wTay,  during  the  twenty 
years  of  which  we  have  been  speaking,  into 
general  favor,  and  established  a  universal  re- 
nown. He  completely  organized  and  arranged 
the  internal  affairs  of  his  own  kingdom,  and  es- 


A.D.  1040-60.]  Reign  in  Normandy.     95 

William  firmly  seated  on  his  throne.  His  new  projects. 

tablished  himself  firmly  upon  the  ducal  throne. 
His  mind  had  become  mature,  his  resources 
were  well  developed,  and  his  soul,  always  am- 
bitious and  aspiring,  began  to  reach  forward  to 
the  grasping  of  some  grander  objects  of  pursuit, 
and  to  the  entering  upon  some  wider  field  of 
action  than  his  duchy  of  Normandy  could  afford. 
During  this  interval,  however,  he  was  married  ; 
and,  as  the  circumstances  of  his  marriage  were 
somewhat  extraordinary,  we  must  make  that 
event  the  subject  of  a  separate  chapter. 


96         William  the   Conqueror. 


Political  importance  of  a  royal  marriage. 


Chapter  Y. 
The  Mar  riage. 

ONE  of  the  most  important  points  which  an 
hereditary  potentate  has  to  attend  to,  in 
completing  his  political  arrangements,  is  the 
question  of  his  marriage.  Until  he  has  a  fami- 
ly and  an  heir,  men's  minds  are  unsettled  in 
respect  to  the  succession,  and  the  various  rival 
candidates  and  claimants  to  the  throne  are  per- 
petually plotting  and  intriguing  to  put  them- 
selves into  a  position  to  spring  at  once  into  his 
place  if  sickness,  or  a  battle,  or  any  sudden  ac- 
cident should  take  him  away.  This  evil  was 
more  formidable  than  usual  in  the  case  of  Will- 
iam, for  the  men  who  were  prepared  to  claim 
his  place  when  he  was  dead  were  all  secretly 
or  openly  maintaining  that  their  right  to  it  was 
superior  to  his  while  he  was  living.  This  gave 
a  double  intensity  to  the  excitement  with  which 
the  public  was  perpetually  agitated  in  respect 
to  the  crown,  and  kept  the  minds  of  the  ambi- 
tious and  the  aspiring,  throughout  William's 
dominions,  in  a  continual  fever.     It  was  ob- 


A.D.1045.]     The  Marriage.  97 

William's  views  in  regard  to  his  marriage.  His  choice. 

vious  that  a  great  part  of  the  cause  of  this  rest- 
less looking  for  change  and  consequent  planning 
to  promote  it  would  be  removed  if  William  had 
a  son. 

It  became,  therefore,  an  important  matter  of 
state  policy  that  the  duke  should  be  married. 
In  fact,  the  barons  and  military  chieftains  who 
were  friendly  to  him  urged  this  measure  upon 
him,  on  account  of  the  great  effect  which  they 
perceived  it  would  have  in  settling  the  minds 
of  the  people  of  the  country  and  consolidating 
his  power.  William  accordingly  began  to  look 
around  for  a  wife.  It  appeared,  however,  in 
the  end,  that,  though  policy  was  the  main  con- 
sideration which  first  led  him  to  contemplate 
marriage,  love  very  probably  exercised  an  im- 
portant influence  in  determining  his  choice  of 
the  lady ;  at  all  events,  the  object  of  his  choice 
was  an  object  worthy  of  love.  She  was  one  of 
the  most  beautiful  and  accomplished  princesses 
in  Europe. 

She  was  the  daughter  of  a  great  potentate 
who  ruled  over  the  country  of  Flanders.  Flan- 
ders lies  upon  the  coast,  east  of  Normandy,  be- 
yond the  frontiers  of  France,  and  on  the  south- 
ern shore  of  the  German  Ocean.  Her  father's 
title  was  the  Earl  of  Flanders.  He  governed 
G 


98        William  the   Conqueror. 

Matilda's  genealogy.  Her  relationship  to  William. 

his  dominions,  however,  like  a  sovereign,  and 
was  at  the  head  of  a  very  effective  military  powr- 
er.  His  family,  too,  occupied  a  very  high  rank, 
and  enjoyed  great  consideration  among  the  other 
princes  and  potentates  of  Europe.  It  had  in- 
termarried with  the  royal  family  of  England, 
so  that  Matilda,  the  daughter  of  the  earl,  whom 
William  was  disposed  to  make  his  bride,  was 
found,  by  the  genealogists,  who  took  great  in- 
terest in  those  days  in  tracing  such  connections, 
to  have  descended  in  a  direct  line  from  the  great 
English  king,  Alfred  himself. 

This  relationship,  by  making  Matilda's  birth 
the  more  illustrious,  operated  strongly  in  favor 
of  the  match,  as  a  great  part  of  the  motive 
which  William  had  in  view,  in  his  intended 
marriage,  w^as  to  aggrandize  and  strengthen 
his  own  position,  by  the  connection  which  he 
was  about  to  form.  There  was,  however,  an- 
other consanguinity  in  the  case  which  had  a 
contrary  tendency.  Matilda's  father  had  been 
connected  with  the  Norman  as  well  as  with 
the  English  line,  and  Matilda  and  William  wrere 
in  some  remote  sense  cousins.  This  circum- 
stance led,  in  the  sequel,  as  will  presently  be 
seen,  to  serious  difficulty  and  trouble. 

Matilda  was  seven  years  younger  than  Will- 


A.D.  1045.]      The  Marriage.  99 

Matilda's  accomplishments.  Her  embroidery. 

iam.  She  was  brought  up  in  her  father's  court, 
and  famed  far  and  wide  for  her  beauty  and  ac- 
complishments. The  accomplishments  in  which 
ladies  of  high  rank  sought  to  distinguish  them- 
selves hi  those  days  were  two,  music  and  em- 
broidery. The  embroidery  of  tapestry  was  the 
great  attainment,  and  in  this  art  the  young 
Matilda  acquired  great  skill.  The  tapestry 
which  was  made  in  the  Middle  Ages  was  used 
to  hang  against  the  walls  of  some  of  the  more 
ornamented  rooms  in  royal  palaces  and  castles, 
to  hide  the  naked  surface  of  the  stones  of  which 
the  building  was  constructed.  The  cloths  thus 
suspended  were  at  first  plain,  afterward  they 
began  to  be  ornamented  with  embroidered  bor- 
ders or  other  decorations,  and  at  length  ladies 
learned  to  employ  their  own  leisure  hours,  and 
beguile  the  tedium  of  the  long  confinement 
which  many  of  them  had  to  endure  within  their 
castles,  in  embroidering  various  devices  and  de- 
signs on  the  hangin2"s  intended  for  their  own 
chambers,  or  to  execute  such  work  as  presents 
for  their  friends.  Matilda's  industry  and  skill 
in  this  kind  of  work  were  celebrated  far  and 
wide. 

The  accomplishments  which  ladies  take  great 
pains  to  acquire  in  their  early  years  are  some- 


100       William  the  Conqueror. 

Matilda's  industry.  The  Bayeux  tapestry. 

times,  it  is  said,  laid  almost  entirely  aside  after 
their  marriage ;  not  necessarily  because  they 
are  then  less  desirous  to  please,  but  sometimes 
from  the  abundance  of  domestic  duty,  which  al- 
lows them  little  time,  and  sometimes  from  the 
pressure  of  their  burdens  of  care  or  sorrow, 
which  leave  them  no  heart  for  the  occupations 
of  amusement  or  gayety.  It  seems  not  to  have 
been  so  in  Matilda's  case,  however.  She  re- 
sumed her  needle  often  during  the  years  of  her 
wedded  life,  and  after  William  had  accomplish- 
ed his  conquest  of  England,  she  worked  upon  a 
long  linen  web,  with  immense  labor,  a  series  of 
designs  illustrating  the  various  events  and  inci- 
dents of  his  campaign,  and  the  work  has  been 
preserved  to  the  present  day. 

At  least  there  is  such  a  web  now  existing  in 
the  ancient  town  of  Bayeux,  in  Normandy, 
which  has  been  there  from  a  period  beyond  the 
memory  of  men,  and  which  tradition  says  was 
worked  by  Matilda.  It  would  seem,  however, 
that  if  she  did  it  at  all,  she  must  have  done  it 
"  as  Solomon  built  the  temple — with  a  great 
deal  of  help  ;"  for  this  famous  piece  of  embroid- 
ery, which  has  been  celebrated  among  all  the 
historians  and  scholars  of  the  world  for  several 
hundred  years  by  the  name  of  the  Bayeux  Tap- 


A.D.1045.]     The  Marriage.  101 

The  designs.  Uncoutfi  drawing.  Preservation. 

estry,  is  over  four  hundred  feet  long,  and  nearly 
two  feet  wide.  The  web  is  of  linen,  while  the 
embroidery  is  of  woolen.  It  was  all  obviously 
executed  with  the  needle,  and  was  worked  with 
infinite  labor  and  care.  The  woolen  thread 
which  was  used  was  of  various  colors,  suited 
to  represent  the  different  objects  in  the  design, 
though  these  colors  are,  of  course,  now  much 
tarnished  and  faded. 

The  designs  themselves  are  very  simple  and 
even  rude,  evincing  very  little  knowledge  of  the 
principles  of  modern  art.  The  specimens  on 
the  following  page,  of  engravings  made  from 
them,  will  give  some  idea  of  the  childish  style 
of  delineation  which  characterizes  all  Matilda's 
designs.  Childish,  however,  as  such  a  style  of 
drawing  would  be  considered  now,  it  seems  to 
have  been,  in  Matilda's  days,  very  much  prais- 
ed and  admired. 

We  often  have  occasion  to  observe,  in  watch- 
ing the  course  of  human  affairs,  the  frailty  and 
transitoriness  of  things  apparently  most  durable 
and  strong.  In  the  case  of  this  embroidery,  on 
the  contrary,  we  are  struck  with  the  durability 
and  permanence  of  what  would  seem  to  be  most 
frail  and  fleeting.  William's  conquest  of  En- 
gland took  place  in  1066.     This  piece  of  tapes- 


102       William  the  Conqueror. 


Specimens  of  the  designs  of  the  Bayeux  tapestry. 


A.D.  1045-52.]  The  Marriage.  103 

Elements  of  decay.  Great  age  of  the  Eayeux  tapestry. 

try,  therefore,  if  Matilda  really  worked  it,  is 
about  eight  hundred  years  old.  And  when  we 
consider  how  delicate,  slender,  and  frail  is  the 
fibre  of  a  linen  thread,  and  that  the  various  ele- 
ments of  decay,  always  busy  in  the  work  of  cor- 
rupting and  destroying  the  works  of  man,  have 
proved  themselves  powerful  enough  to  waste 
away  and  crumble  into  ruin  the  proudest  struc- 
tures which  he  has  ever  attempted  to  rear,  Ave 
are  amazed  that  these  slender  filaments  have 
been  able  to  resist  their  action  so  long.  The 
Bayeux  tapestry  has  lasted  nearly  a  thousand 
years.  It  will  probably  last  for  a  thousand 
years  to  come.  So  that  the  vast  and  resistless 
power,  which  destroyed  Babylon  and  Troy,  and 
is  making  visible  progress  in  the  work  of  de- 
stroying .the  Pyramids,  is  foiled  by  the  durabil- 
ity of  a  piece  of  needle-work,  executed  by  the 
frail  and  delicate  fingers  of  a  woman. 

We  may  have  occasion  to  advert  to  the  Ba- 
yeux tapestry  again,  when  we  come  to  narrate 
the  exploits  which  it  was  the  particular  object 
of  this  historical  embroidery  to  illustrate  and 
adorn.    In  the  mean  time,  we  return  to  our  story. 

The  matrimonial  negotiations  of  princes  and 
princesses  are  always  conducted  in  a  formal 
and  ceremonious  manner,  and  through  the  hi- 


104      William  the  Conqueror. 

Marriage  negotiations.  Matilda's  objections. 

tervention  of  legates,  embassadors,  and  commis- 
sioners without  number,  who  are,  of  course,  in- 
terested in  protracting  the  proceedings,  so  as  to 
prolong,  as  much  as  possible,  their  own  diplo- 
matic importance  and  power.  Besides  these  ac- 
cidental and  temporary  difficulties,  it  soon  ap- 
peared that  there  were,  in  this  case,  some  real 
and  very  formidable  obstacles,  which  threaten- 
ed for  a  time  entirely  to  frustrate  the  scheme. 

Among  these  difficulties  there  was  one  which 
was  not  usually,  in  such  cases,  considered  of 
much  importance,  but  which,  in  this  instance, 
seemed  for  a  long  time  to  put  an  effectual  bar 
to  William's  wishes,  and  that  was  the  aversion 
which  the  young  princess  herself  felt  for  the 
match.  She  could  have,  one  would  suppose, 
no  personal  feeling  of  repugnance  against  Will- 
iam, for  he  was  a  tall  and  handsome  cavalier, 
highly  graceful  and  accomplished,  and  renown- 
ed for  his  bravery  and  success  in  war.  He  was, 
in  every  respect,  such  a  personage  as  would  be 
most  likely  to  captivate  the  imagination  of  a 
maiden  princess  in  those  warlike  times.  Ma- 
tilda, however,  made  objections  to  his  birth. 
She  could  not  consider  him  as  the  legitimate 
descendant  and  heir  of  the  dukes  of  Normandy. 
It  is  true,  he  was  then  in  possession  of  the 


A.D.  1045-52.]  The  Marriage.  105 

Matilda's  refusal.  Her  attachment  to  Brihtric. 

throne,  but  he  was  regarded  by  a  large  portion 
of  the  most  powerful  chieftains  in  his  realm  as 
a  usurper.  He  was  liable,  at  any  time,  on 
some  sudden  change  of  fortune,  to  be  expelled 
from  his  dominions.  His  position,  in  a  word, 
though  for  the  time  being  very  exalted,  was  too 
precarious  and  unstable,  and  his  personal  claims 
to  high  social  rank  were  too  equivocal,  to  justi- 
fy her  trusting  her  destiny  in  his  hands.  In  a 
word,  Matilda's  answer  to  William's  proposals 
was  an  absolute  refusal  to  become  his  wife. 

These  ostensible  grounds,  however,  on  which 
Matilda  based  her  refusal,  plausible  as  they 
were,  were  not  the  real  and  true  ones.  The 
secret  motive  was  another  attachment  which 
she  had  formed.  There  had  been  sent  to  her 
father's  court  in  Flanders,  from  the  English 
king,  a  young  Saxon  embassador,  whose  name 
was  Brihtric.  Brihtric  remained  some  little 
time  at  the  court  in  Flanders,  and  Matilda, 
who  saw  him  often  at  the  various  entertain- 
ments, celebrations,  and  parties  of  pleasure 
which  were  arranged  for  his  amusement,  con- 
ceived a  strong  attachment  to  him.  He  was 
of  a  very  fair  complexion,  and  his  features  were 
expressive  and  beautiful.  Fie  was  a  noble  of 
high  position  in  England,  though,  of  course,  his 


106      William  the  Conqueror. 

Matilda's  attachment  not  reciprocated.  Her  thirst  for  revenge. 

rank  was  inferior  to  that  of  Matilda.  As  it 
would  have  been  deemed  hardly  proper  for  him, 
under  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  to  have 
aspired  to  the  princess's  hand,  on  account  of 
the  superiority  of  her  social  position,  Matilda 
felt  that  it  was  her  duty  to  make  known  her 
sentiments  to  him,  and  thus  to  open  the  way. 
She  did  so;  but  she  found,  unhappy  maiden, 
that  Brihtric  did  not  feel,  himself,  the  love 
which  he  had  inspired  in  her,  and  all  the  efforts 
and  arts  to  which  she  was  impelled  by  the  in- 
stinct of  affection  proved  wholly  unavailing  to 
call  it  forth.  Brihtric,  after  fulfilling  the  ob- 
ject of  his  mission,  took  leave  of  Matilda  coldly, 
while  her  heart  was  almost  breaking,  and  went 
away. 

As  the  sweetest  wine  transforms  itself  into 
the  sharpest  vinegar,  so  the  warmest  and  most 
ardent  love  turns,  when  it  turns  at  all,  to  the 
most  bitter  and  envenomed  hate.  Love  gave 
place  soon  in  Matilda's  heart  to  indignation, 
and  indignation  to  a  burning  thirst  for  revenge. 
The  intensity  of  the  first  excitement  subsided  ; 
but  Matilda  never  forgot  and  never  forgave  the 
disappointment  and  the  indignity  which  she 
had  endured.  She  had  an  opportunity  long 
afterward  to  take  terrible  revenge  on  Brihtric 


A.D.  1045-52.]  The  Marriage.  107 

William  and  Matilda's  consanguinity.        An  obstacle  to  their  marriage. 

in  England,  by  subjecting  him  to  cruelties  and 
hardships  there  which  brought  him  to  his  grave. 

In  the  mean  time,  while  her  thoughts  were 
so  occupied  with  this  attachment,  she  had,  of 
course,  no  heart  to  listen  favorably  to  Will- 
iam's proposals.  Her  friends  would  have  at- 
tached no  importance  to  the  real  cause  of  her 
aversion  to  the  match,  but  they  felt  the  force 
of  the  objections  which  could  justly  be  advanced 
against  William's  rank,  and  his  real  right  to 
his  tin-one.  Then  the  consanguinity  of  the 
parties  was  a  great  source  of  embarrassment 
and  trouble.  Persons  as  nearly  related  to  each 
other  as  they  were,  wTere  forbidden  by  the  Ro- 
man Catholic  rules  to  marry.  There  was  such 
a  thing  as  getting  a  dispensation  from  the  pope, 
by  which  the  marriage  would  be  authorized. 
William  accordingly  sent  embassadors  to  Rome 
to  negotiate  this  business.  This,  of  course, 
opened  a  new  field  for  difficulties  and  delays. 

The  papal  authorities  were  accustomed,  in 
such  cases,  to  exact  as  the  price,  or,  rather,  as 
the  condition  of  their  dispensation,  some  grant 
or  beneficial  conveyance  from  the  parties  inter- 
ested, to  the  Church,  such  as  the  foundation  of 
an  abbey  or  a  monastery,  the  building  of  a 
chapel,  or  the  endowment  of  a  charity,  by  way, 


108      William  the  Conqueror. 

Negotiations  with  the  pope.  Causes  of  delay. 

as  it  were,  of  making  amends  to  the  Church,  by 
the  benefit  thus  received,  for  whatever  injury 
the  cause  of  religion  and  morality  might  sus- 
tain by  the  relaxation  of  a  divine  law.  Of 
course,  this  being  the  end  in  view,  the  tendency 
on  the  part  of  the  authorities  at  Rome  would 
be  to  protract  the  negotiations,  so  as  to  obtain 
from  the  suitor's  impatience  better  terms  in  the 
end.  The  embassadors  and  commissioners,  too, 
on  William's  part,  would  have  no  strong  motive 
for  hastening  the  proceedings.  Rome  was  an 
agreeable  place  of  residence,  and  to  live  there  as 
the  embassador  of  a  royal  duke  of  Normandy 
was  to  enjoy  a  high  degree  of  consideration,  and 
to  be  surrounded  continually  by  scenes  of  mag- 
nificence and  splendor.  Then,  again,  William 
himself  was  not  always  at  leisure  to  urge  the 
business  forward  by  giving  it  his  own  close  at- 
tention ;  for,  during  the  period  while  these  ne- 
gotiations were  pending,  he  was  occupied,  from 
time  to  time,  with  foreign  wars,  or  in  the  sup- 
pression of  rebellions  among  his  barons.  Thus, 
'  from  one  cause  and  another,  it  seemed  as  if  the 
business  would  never  come  to  an  end. 

In  fact,  a  less  resolute  and  determined  man 
than  William  would  have  given  up  in  despair, 
for  it  was  seven  years,  it  is  said,  before  the  af- 


A.D.  1045-52.]  The  Marriage.  109 

William's  quarrel  with  Matilda.  The  reconciliation. 

fair  was  brought  to  a  conclusion.  One  story  is 
told  of  the  impetuous  energy  which  William 
manifested  in  this  suit,  which  seems  almost  in- 
credible. 

It  was  after  the  negotiations  had  been  pro- 
tracted for  several  years,  and  at  a  time  wThen 
the  difficulties  were  principally  those  arising 
from  Matilda's  opposition,  that  the  occurrence 
took  place.  It  was  at  an  interview  which  "Will- 
iam had  with  Matilda  in  the  streets  of  Bruges, 
one  of  her  father's  cities.  All  that  took  place 
at  the  interview  is  not  known,  but  in  the  end 
of  it  William's  resentment  at  Matilda's  treat- 
ment of  him  lost  all  bounds.  He  struck  her  or 
pushed  her  so  violently  as  to  throw  her  down 
upon  the  ground.  It  is  said  that  he  struck  her 
repeatedly,  and  then,  leaving  her  with  her  clothes 
all  soiled  and  disheveled,  rode  off  in  a  rage. 
Love  quarrels  are  often  the  means  of  bringing 
the  contending  parties  nearer  together  than  they 
were  before,  but  such  a  terrible  love  quarrel  as 
this,  we  hope,  is  very  rare. 

Violent  as  it  was,  however,  it  was  followed 
by  a  perfect  reconciliation,  and  in  the  end  all 
obstacles  were  removed,  and  William  and  Ma- 
tilda were  married.  The  event  took  place  in 
1052. 


110      William  the  Conqueror. 

The  marriage.  Rejoicings  and  festivities. 

The  marriage  ceremony  was  performed  at 
one  of  William's  castles,  on  the  frontiers  of  Nor- 
mandy, as  it  is  customary  for  princes  and  kings 
to  be  married  always  in  their  own  dominions. 
Matilda  was  conducted  there  with  great  pomp 
and  parade  by  her  parents,  and  was  accompa- 
nied by  a  large  train  of  attendants  and  friends. 
This  company,  mounted — both  knights  and  la- 
dies— on  horses  beautifully  caparisoned,  moved 
across  the  country  like  a  little  army  on  a  march, 
or  rather  like  a  triumphal  procession  escorting 
a  queen.  Matilda  was  received  at  the  castle 
with  distinguished  honor,  and  the  marriage  cel- 
ebrations, and  the  entertainments  accompany- 
ing it,  were  continued  for  several  days.  It  was 
a  scene  of  unusual  festivity  and  rejoicing. 

The  dress  both  of  William  and  Matilda,  on 
this  occasion,  was  very  specially  splendid.  She 
wore  a  mantle  studded  with  the  most  costly 
jewels ;  and,  in  addition  to  the  other  splendors 
of  his  dress,  William  too  wore  a  mantle  and  a 
helmet,  both  of  which  were  richly  adorned  with 
the  same  costly  decorations.  So  much  import- 
ance was  attached,  in  those  days,  to  this  out- 
ward show,  and  so  great  was  the  public  inter- 
est taken  in  it,  that  these  dresses  of  William 
and  Matilda,  with  all  the  jewelry  that  adorned 


A.D.  1052.]      The  Marriage.  Ill 

Residence  at  Rouen.  Ancient  castles  and  palaces. 

them,  were  deposited  afterward  in  the  great 
church  at  Bayeux,  where  they  remained  a  sort 
of  public  spectacle,  the  property  of  the  Church, 
for  nearly  five  hundred  years. 

From  the  castle  of  Augi,  where  the  marriage 
ceremonies  were  performed,  William  proceeded, 
after  these  first  festivities  and  rejoicings  were 
over,  to  the  great  city  of  Rouen,  conducting  his 
bride  thither  with  great  pomp  and  parade. 
Here  the  young  couple  established  themselves, 
living  in  the  enjoyment  of  every  species  of  lux- 
ury and  splendor  which  were  attainable  in  those 
days.  As  has  already  been  said,  the  interiors, 
even  of  royal  castles  and  palaces,  presented  but 
few  of  the  comforts  and  conveniences  deemed 
essential  to  the  happiness  of  a  home  in  modern 
times.  The  European  ladies  of  the  present  day 
delight  in  their  suites  of  retired  and  well-fur- 
nished apartments,  adorned  with  velvet  carpets, 
and  silken  curtains,  and  luxuriant  beds  of  down, 
with  sofas  and  couches  adapted  to  every  fancy 
which  the  caprice  of  fatigue  or  restlessness  may 
assume,  and  cabinets  stored  with  treasures,  and 
libraries  of  embellished  books — the  whole  scene 
illuminated  by  the  splendor  of  gas-lights,  whose 
brilliancy  is  reflected  by  mirrors  and  candela- 
bras,  sparkling  with  a  thousand  hues.     Matil- 


112      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Matilda's  palace.  Luxury  and  splendor. 

da's  feudal  palace  presented  no  such  scenes  as 
these.  The  cold  stone  floors  were  covered  with 
mats  of  rushes.  The  walls — if  the  naked  ma- 
sonry was  hidden  at  all  —  were  screened  by 
hangings  of  coarse  tapestry,  ornamented  with 
uncouth  and  hideous  figures.  The  beds  were 
miserable  pallets,  the  windows  were  loop-holes, 
and  the  castle  itself  had  all  the  architectural 
characteristics  of  a  prison. 

Still,  there  was  a  species  of  luxury  and  splen- 
dor even  then.  Matilda  had  splendid  horses  to 
ride,  all  magnificently  caparisoned.  She  had 
dresses  adorned  most  lavishly  with  gold  and 
jewels.  There  were  troops  of  valiant  knights, 
all  glittering  in  armor  of  steel,  to  escort  her  on 
her  journeys,  and  accompany  and  wait  upon 
her  on  her  excursions  of  pleasure ;  and  there 
were  grand  banquets  and  carousals,  from  time 
to  time,  in  the  long  castle  hall,  with  tourna- 
ments, and  races,  and  games,  and  other  military 
shows,  conducted  with  great  parade  and  pa- 
geantry. Matilda  thus  commenced  her  married 
life  in  luxury  and  splendor. 

In  luxury  and  splendor,  but  not  in  peace. 
"William  had  an  uncle,  whose  name  was  Mau- 
ger.  He  was  the  Archbishop  of  Rouen,  and  was 
a  dignitary  of  great  influence  and  power.     Now 


A.D.  1052.]     The  Marriage.  113 

Mauger,  archbishop  of  Rouen.     William  find  Matilda  excommunicated. 

it  was,  of  course,  the  interest  of  William's  rel- 
atives that  he  should  not  be  married,  as  every 
increase  of  probability  that  his  crown  would  de- 
scend to  direct  heirs  diminished  their  future 
chances  of  the  succession,  and  of  course  under- 
mined their  present  importance.  Mauger  had 
been  very  much  opposed  to  this  match,  and  had 
exerted  himself  in  every  way,  while  the  negoti- 
ations were  pending,  to  impede  and  delay  them. 
The  point  which  he  most  strenuously  urged  was 
the  consanguinity  of  the  parties,  a  point  to 
which  it  was  incumbent  on  him,  as  he  main- 
tained— being  the  head  of  the  Church  in  Nor- 
mandy— 'particularly  to  attend.  It  seems  that, 
notwithstanding  William's  negotiations  with 
the  pope  to  obtain  a  dispensation,  the  affair  was 
not  fully  settled  at  Rome  before  the  marriage  ; 
and  very  soon  after  the  celebration  of  the  nup- 
tials, Mauger  fulminated  an  edict  of  excommu- 
nication against  both  William  and  Matilda,  for 
intermarrying  within  the  degrees  of  relationship 
which  the  canons  of  the  Church  proscribed. 

An  excommunication,  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
was  a  terrible  calamity.  The  person  thus  con- 
demned was  made,  so  far  as  such  a  sentence 
could  effect  it,  an  outcast  from  man,  and  a 
wretch  accursed  of  Heaven.  The  most  terrible 
H 


114      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Lanfranc  sent  to  negotiate  with  the  pope.  His  success. 

denunciations  were  uttered  against  him,  and  in 
the  case  of  a  prince,  like  that  of  William,  his 
subjects  were  all  absolved  from  their  allegiance, 
and  forbidden  to  succor  or  defend  him.  A  pow- 
erful potentate  like  "William  could  maintain 
himself  for  a  time  against  the  influence  and  ef- 
fects of  such  a  course,  but  it  was  pretty  sure  to 
work  more  and  more  strongly  against  him 
through  the  superstitions  of  the  people,  and  to 
wear  him  out  in  the  end. 

"William  resolved  to  appeal  at  once  to  the 
pope,  and  to  effect,  by  some  means  or  other,  the 
object  of  securing  his  dispensation.  There  was 
a  certain  monk,  then  obscure  and  unknown,  but 
who  afterward  became  a  very  celebrated  public 
character,  named  Lanfranc,  whom,  for  some 
reason  or  other,  "William  supposed  to  possess 
the  necessary  qualifications  for  this  mission. 
He  accordingly  gave  him  his  instructions  and 
sent  him  away.  Lanfranc  proceeded  to  Rome, 
and  there  he  managed  the  negotiation  with  the 
pope  so  dexterously  as  soon  to  bring  it  to  a  con- 
clusion. 

The  arrangement  which  he  made  was  this. 
The  pope  was  to  grant  the  dispensation  and 
confirm  the  marriage,  thus  removing  the  sen- 
tence of  excommunication  which  the  Archbish- 


A.D.1052.]     The  Marriage.  115 

Conditions  of  Lanfranc's  treaty.  Their  fulfillment. 

op  Mauger  had  pronounced,  on  condition  that 
William  should  build  and  endow  a  hospital  for 
a  hundred  poor  persons,  and  also  erect  two  ab- 
beys, one  to  be  built  by  himself,  for  monks,  and 
one  by  Matilda,  for  nuns.  Lanfranc  agreed  to 
these  conditions  on  the  part  of  William  and 
Matilda,  and  they,  when  they  came  to  be  in- 
formed of  them,  accepted  and  confirmed  them 
with  great  joy.  The  ban  of  excommunication 
was  removed  ;  all  Normandy  acquiesced  in  the 
marriage,  and  William  and  Matilda  proceeded 
to  form  the  plans  and  to  superintend  the  con- 
struction of  the  abbeys. 

They  selected  the  city  of  Caen  for  the  site. 
The  place  of  this  city  will  be  seen  marked  upon 
the  map  near  the  northern  coast  of  Normandy.* 
It  was  situated  in  a  broad  and  pleasant  valley, 
at  the  confluence  of  two  rivers,  and  was  sur- 
rounded by  beautiful  and  fertile  meadows.  It 
was  strongly  fortified,  being  surrounded  by  walls 
and  towers,  which  William's  ancestors,  the 
dukes  of  Normandy,  had  built.  William  and 
Matilda  took  a  strong  interest  in  the  plans  and 
constructions  connected  with  the  building  of 
the  abbeys.  William's  was  a  very  extensive 
edifice,  and  contained  within  its  inclosures  a 

*  See  map,  chapter  ix. 


116      William  the  Conqueror. 

William  and  Matilda's  children.  Matilda's  domestic  character. 

royal  palace  for  himself,  where,  in  subsequent 
years,  himself  and  Matilda  often  resided. 

The  principal  buildings  of  these  abbeys  still 
stand,  though  the  walls  and  fortifications  of 
Caen  are  gone.  The  buildings  are  used  now 
for  other  purposes  than  those  for  which  they 
were  erected,  but  they  retain  the  names  origi- 
nally given  them,  and  are  visited  by  great  num- 
bers of  tourists,  being  regarded  with  great  in- 
terest as  singular  memorials  of  the  past — twin 
monuments  commemorating  an  ancient  mar- 
riage. 

The  marriage  being  thus  finally  confirmed 
and  acquiesced  in,  William  and  Matilda  en- 
joyed a  long  period  of  domestic  peace.  The 
oldest  child  was  a  son.  He  was  born  within  a 
year  of  the  marriage,  and  William  named  him 
Robert,  that,  as  the  reader  will  recollect,  hav- 
ing been  the  name  of  William's  father.  There 
was,  in  process  of  time,  a  large  family  of  chil- 
dren. Their  names  were  Robert,  William  Ru- 
fus,  Henry,  Cecilia,  Agatha,  Constance,  Adela, 
Adelaide,  and  Grundred.  Matilda  devoted  her- 
self with  great  maternal  fidelity  to  the  care  and 
education  of  these  children,  and  many  of  them 
became  subsequently  historical  personages  of 
the  highest  distinction. 


A.D.  1052.]     The  Marriage.  117 

Objects  of  William's  marriage.  Baldwin,  Count  of  Flanders. 

The  object  which,  it  will  be  recollected,  was 
one  of  William's  main  inducements  for  con- 
tracting this  alliance,  namely,  the  strengthen- 
ing of  his  power  by  thus  connecting  himself 
with  the  reigning  family  of  Flanders,  was,  in  a 
great  measure,  accomplished.  The  two  gov- 
ernments, leagued  together  by  this  natural  tie, 
strengthened  each  other's  power,  and  often  ren- 
dered each  other  essential  assistance,  though 
there  was  one  occasion,  subsequently,  when 
William's  reliance  on  this  aid  was  disappoint- 
ed.    It  was  as  follows  : 

When  he  was  planning  his  invasion  of  En- 
gland, he  sent  to  Matilda's  brother,  Baldwin, 
who  was  then  Count  of  Flanders,  inviting  him 
to  raise  a  force  and  join  him.  Baldwin,  who 
considered  the  enterprise  as  dangerous  and 
Quixotic,  sent  back  word  to  inquire  what  share 
of  the  English  territory  William  would  give 
him  if  he  would  go  and  help  him  conquer  it. 
William  thought  that  this  attempt  to  make 
a  bargain  beforehand,  for  a  division  of  spoil, 
evinced  a  very  mercenary  and  distrustful  spirit 
on  the  part  of  his  brother-in-law — a  spirit  which 
he  was  not  at  all  disposed  to  encourage.  He 
accordingly  took  a  sheet  of  parchment,  and 
writing  nothing  within,  he  folded  it  in  the  form 


118       William  the  Conqueror. 

The  blank  letter.  Baldwin's  surprise. 

of  a  letter,  and  wrote  upon  the  outside  the  fol- 
lowing rhyme : 

"Beau  frere,  en  Angleterre  vous  aurez 
Ce  qui  dedans  escript,  vous  trouverez." 

"Which  royal  distich  might  be  translated  thus : 

"  Your  share,  good  brother,  of  the  land  we  win, 
You'll  find  entitled  and  described  within." 

William  forwarded  the  empty  missive  by  the 
hand  of  a  messenger,  who  delivered  it  to  Bald- 
win as  if  it  were  a  dispatch  of  great  consequence. 
Baldwin  received  it  eagerly,  and  opened  it  at 
once.  He  was  surprised  at  finding  nothing 
within  ;  and  after  turning  the  parchment  every 
way,  in  vain  search  after  the  description  of 
his  share,  he  asked  the  messenger  what  it  meant. 
"  It  means,"  said  he,  "  that  as  there  is  nothing 
writ  within,  so  nothing  you  shall  have." 

Notwithstanding  this  witticism,  however, 
some  arrangement  seems  afterward  to  have 
been  made  between  the  parties,  for  Flanders 
did,  in  fact,  contribute  an  important  share  to- 
ward the  force  which  William  raised  when  pre- 
paring for  the  invasion. 


AD.  1002.]    The  Lady  Emma.  119 

William's  claims  to  the  English  throne.  The  Lady  Emma. 


Chapter  YI. 

The  Lady  Emma. 

"FT  is  not  to  be  supposed  that,  even  in  the  war- 
-■-  like  times  of  which  we  are  writing,  such  a 
potentate  as  a  duke  of  Normandy  would  invade 
a  country  like  England,  so  large  and  powerful 
in  comparison  to  his  own,  without  some  pretext. 
"William's  pretext  was,  that  he  himself  was  the 
legitimate  successor  to  the  English  crown,  and 
that  the  English  king  who  possessed  it  at  the 
time  of  his  invasion  was  a  usurper.  In  order 
that  the  reader  may  understand  the  nature  and 
origin  of  this  his  claim,  it  is  necessary  to  relate 
somewhat  in  full  the  story  of  the  Lady  Emma. 

By  referring  to  the  genealogy  of  the  Norman 
line  of  dukes  contained  in  the  second  chapter  of 
this  volume,  it  will  he  seen  that  Emma  was  the 
daughter  of  the  first  Richard.  She  was  cele- 
brated in  her  early  years  for  her  great  personal 
beauty.  They  called  her  the  Pearl  of  Normandy. 

She  married,  at  length,  one  of  the  kings  of 
England,  whose  name  was  Ethelred.  England 
was  at  that  time  distracted  by  civil  wars,  waged 


120      William  the  Conqueror. 

Claimants  to  the  English  throne.  Ethelred. 

between  the  two  antagonist  races  of  Saxons  and 
Danes.  There  were,  in  fact,  two  separate  dy- 
nasties or  lines  of  kings,  who  were  contending, 
all  the  time,  for  the  mastery.  In  these  contests, 
sometimes  the  Danes  would  triumph  for  a  time, 
and  sometimes  the  Saxons ;  and  sometimes  hoth 
races  would  have  a  royal  representative  in  the 
field,  each  claiming  the  throne,  and  reigning 
over  separate  portions  of  the  island.  Thus  there 
were,  at  certain  periods,  two  kingdoms  in  En- 
gland, hoth  covering  the  same  territory,  and 
claiming  the  government  of  the  same  popula- 
tion— with  two  kings,  two  capitals,  two  admin- 
istrations— while  the  wretched  inhabitants  were 
distracted  and  ruined  by  the  terrible  conflicts 
to  which  these  hostile  pretensions  gave  rise. 

Ethelred  was  of  the  Saxon  line.  He  was  a 
widower  at  the  time  of  his  marriage  to  Emma, 
nearly  forty  years  old,  and  he  had,  among  other 
children  by  his  former  wife,  a  son  named  Ed- 
mund, an  active,  energetic  young  man,  who  aft- 
erward became  king.  One  motive  which  he 
had  in  view  in  marrying  Emma  was  to  strength- 
en his  position  by  securing  the  alliance  of  the 
Normans  of  Normandy.  The  Danes,  his  En- 
glish enemies,  were  Normans.  The  government 
of  Normandy  would  therefore  be  naturally  in- 


A.D.  1002.]  The  Lady  Emma.  121 

Ethelred  subdued.  He  flies  to  Normandy. 

clined  to  take  part  with  them.  By  this  mar- 
riage, however,  Ethelred  hoped  to  detach  the 
Normans  of  France  from  the  cause  of  his  ene- 
mies, and  to  unite  them  to  his  own.  He  would 
thus  gain  a  double  advantage,  strengthening 
himself  by  an  accession  which  weakened  his  foes. 

His  plan  succeeded  so  far  as  inducing  Rich- 
ard himself,  the  Duke  of  Normandy,  to  espouse 
his  cause,  but  it  did  not  enable  Ethelred  to  tri- 
umph over  his  enemies.  They,  on  the  contra- 
ry, conquered  him,  and,  in  the  end,  drove  him 
from  the  country  altogether.  He  fled  to  Nor- 
mandy for  refuge,  with  Emma  his  wife,  and  his 
two  young  sons.  Their  names  were  Edward 
and  Alfred. 

Richard  II.,  Emma's  brother,  who  was  then 
the  Duke  of  Normandy,  received  the  unhappy 
fugitives  with  great  kindness,  although  he,  at 
least,  scarcely  deserved  it.  It  was  not  surpris- 
ing that  he  was  driven  from  his  native  realm, 
for  he  possessed  none  of  those  high  qualities  of 
mind  which  fit  men  to  conquer  or  to  govern. 
Like  all  other  weak-minded  tyrants,  he  substi- 
tuted cruelty  for  wisdom  and  energy  in  his  at- 
tempts to  subjugate  his  foes.  As  soon  as  he 
was  married  to  Emma,  for  instance,  feeling 
elated  and  strong  at  the  great  accession  of  pow- 


122       William  the  Conqueror. 

Massacre  of  the  Danes.  Horrors  of  civil  war. 

er  which  he  imagined  he  had  obtained  by  this 
alliance,  he  planned  a  general  massacre  of  the 
Danes,  and  executed  it  on  a  given  day,  by 
means  of  private  orders,  sent  secretly  through- 
out the  kingdom.  Vast  numbers  of  the  Danes 
were  destroyed  ;  and  so  great  was  the  hatred  of 
the  two  races  for  each  other,  that  they  who  had 
these  bloody  orders  to  obey  executed  them  with 
a  savage  cruelty  that  was  absolutely  horrible. 
In  one  instance  they  buried  women  to  the  waist, 
and  then  set  dogs  upon  them,  to  tear  their  nak- 
ed flesh  until  they  died  in  agony.  It  would  be 
best,  in  narrating  history,  to  suppress  such  hor- 
rid details  as  these,  were  it  not  that  in  a  land 
like  this,  where  so  much  depends  upon  the  influ- 
ence of  every  individual  in  determining  whether 
the  questions  and  discussions  which  are  from 
time  to  time  arising,  and  are  hereafter  to  arise, 
shall  be  settled  peacefully,  or  by  a  resort  to  vi- 
olence and  civil  war,  it  is  very  important  that 
we  should  all  know  what  civil  war  is,  and  to 
what  horrible  atrocities  it  inevitably  leads. 

Alfred  the  Great,  when  he  was  contending 
with  the  Danes  in  England,  a  century  before 
this  time,  treated  them,  so  far  as  he  gained  ad- 
vantages over  them,  with  generosity  and  kind- 
ness ;  and  this  policy  wholly  conquered  them  in 


A.D.  1002.]    The  Lady  Emma.  123 

Ethelred's  tyranny.  Emma's  policy. 

the  end.  Ethelred,  on  the  other  hand,  tried  the 
effect  of  the  most  tyrannical  cruelty,  and  the 
effect  was  only  to  arouse  his  enemies  to  a  more 
determined  and  desperate  resistance.  It  was 
the  phrensy  of  vengeance  and  hate  that  these 
atrocities  awakened  every  where  among  the 
Danes,  which  nerved  them  with  so  much  vigor 
and  strength  that  they  finally  expelled  him  from 
the  island;  so  that,  when  he  arrived  in  Nor- 
mandy, a  fugitive  and  an  exile,  he  came  in  the 
character  of  a  dethroned  tyrant,  execrated  for 
his  senseless  and  atrocious  cruelties,  and  not  in 
that  of  an  unhappy  prince  driven  from  his  home 
"by  the  pressure  of  unavoidable  calamity.  Nev- 
ertheless, Richard,  the  Duke  of  Normandy,  re- 
ceived him,  as  we  have  already  said,  with  kind- 
ness. He  felt  the  obligation  of  receiving  the 
exiled  monarch  in  a  hospitable  manner,  if  not 
on  his  own  account,  at  least  for  the  sake  of 
Emma  and  the  children. 

The  origin  and  end  of  Emma's  interest  in 
Ethelred  seems  to  have  been  merely  ambition. 
The  "  Pearl  of  Normandy"  had  given  herself  to 
this  monster  for  the  sake,  apparently,  of  the 
glory  of  being  the  English  queen.  Her  subse- 
quent conduct  compels  the  readers  of  history  to 
make  this  supposition,  which  otherwise  would 


124      William  the  Conqueror. 

Emma's  humiliation.  Ethelred  invited  to  return. 

be  uncharitable.  She  now  mourned  her  disap- 
pointment in  finding  that,  instead  of  being  sus- 
tained by  her  husband  in  the  lofty  position  to 
which  she  aspired,  she  was  obliged  to  come  back 
to  her  former  home  again,  to  be  once  more  de- 
pendent, and  with  the  additional  burden  of  her 
husband  himself,  and  her  children,  upon  her 
father's  family.  Her  situation  was  rendered 
even  still  more  humiliating,  in  some  degree, 
by  the  circumstances  that  her  father  was  no 
longer  alive,  and  that  it  was  to  her  brother,  on 
whom  her  natural  claim  was  far  less  strong, 
that  she  had  now  to  look  for  shelter  and  pro- 
tection. Richard,  however,  received  them  all 
in  a  kind  and  generous  manner. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  wars  and  commotions 
which  had  driven  Ethelred  away  continued  to 
rage  in  England,  the  Saxons  gradually  gaining 
ground  against  the  Danes.  At  length  the  kin^ 
of  the  Danes,  who  had  seized  the  government 
when  Ethelred  was  expelled,  died.  The  Saxons 
then  regained  their  former  power,  and  they  sent 
commissioners  to  Ethelred  to  propose  his  return 
to  England.  At  the  same  time,  they  expressed 
their  unwillingness  to  receive  him,  unless  they 
could  bind  him,  by  a  solemn  treaty,  to  take  a 
very  different  course  of  conduct,  in  the  future 


A.D.1002.]  The  Lady  Emma.  125 

Bestoration  of  Ethelred  and  Emma.  War  with  Canute. 

management  of  his  government,  from  that  which 
he  had  pursued  before.  Ethelred  and  Emma 
were  eager  to  regain,  on  any  terms,  their  lost 
throne.  They  sent  over  embassadors  empow- 
ered to  make,  in  Ethelred's  name,  any  prom- 
ises which  the  English  nobles  might  demand ; 
and  shortly  afterward  the  royal  pair  crossed  the 
Channel  and  went  to  London,  and  Ethelred  was 
acknowledged  there  by  the  Saxon  portion  of 
the  population  of  the  island  once  more  as  king. 
The  Danes,  however,  though  weakened,  were 
not  yet  disposed  to  submit.  They  declared 
their  allegiance  to  Canute,  who  was  the  suc- 
cessor in  the  Danish  line.  Then  followed  a 
long  war  between  Canute  and  Ethelred.  Ca- 
nute was  a  man  of  extraordinary  sagacity  and 
intelligence,  and  also  of  great  courage  and  en- 
ergy. Ethelred,  on  the  other  hand,  proved  him- 
self, notwithstanding  all  his  promises,  incurably 
inefficient,  cowardly,  and  cruel.  In  fact,  his 
son  Prince  Edmund,  the  son  of  his  first  wife, 
was  far  more  efficient  than  his  father  in  resist- 
ing Canute  and  the  Danes.  Edmund  was  ac- 
tive and  fearless,  and  he  soon  acquired  very  ex- 
tensive power.  In  fact,  he  seems  to  have  held 
the  authority  of  his  father  in  very  little  respect. 
One  striking  instance  of  this  insubordination 


126      William  the  Conqueror. 

Ethelred's  death.  Situation  of  Emma. 

occurred.  Ethelred  had  taken  offense,  for  some 
reason  or  other,  at  one  of  the  nobles  in  his  realm, 
and  had  put  him  to  death,  and  confiscated  his 
estates ;  and,  in  addition  to  this,  with  a  cruel- 
ty characteristic  of  him,  he  shut  up  the  unhap- 
py widow  of  his  victim,  a  young  and  beautiful 
woman,  in  a  gloomy  convent,  as  a  prisoner. 
Edmund,  his  son,  went  to  the  convent,  liberated 
the  prisoner,  and  made  her  his  own  wife. 

With  such  unfriendly  relations  between  the 
king  and  his  son,  who  seems  to  have  been  the 
ablest  general  in  his  father's  army,  there  could 
be  little  hope  of  making  head  against  such  an 
enemy  as  Canute  the  Dane.  In  fact,  the  course 
of  public  affairs  went  on  from  bad  to  worse, 
Emma  leading  all  the  time  a  life  of  unceasing 
anxiety  and  alarm.  At  length,  in  1016,  Eth- 
elred died,  and  Emma's  cup  of  disappointment 
and  humiliation  was  now  full.  Her  own  sons, 
Edward  and  Alfred,  had  no  claims  to  the  crown  ; 
for  Edmund,  being  the  son  by  a  former  mar- 
riage, was  older  than  they.  They  were  too 
young  to  take  personally  an  active  part  in  the 
fierce  contests  of  the  day,  and  thus  fight  their 
way  to  importance  and  power.  And  then  Ed- 
mund, who  was  now  to  become  king,  would,  of 
course,  feel  no  interest  in  advancing  them,  or 


A.D.  1017.]   The  Lady  Emma.  129 

Flight  of  Emma  to  Normandy.  Her  children. 

doing  honor  to  her.  A  son  who  would  thwart 
and  counteract  the  plans  and  measures  of  a 
father,  as  Edmund  had  done,  would  be  little 
likely  to  evince  much  deference  or  regard  for  a 
mother-in-law,  or  for  half  brothers,  whom  he 
would  naturally  consider  as  his  rivals.  In  a 
word,  Emma  had  reason  to  be  alarmed  at  the 
situation  of  insignificance  and  danger  in  which 
she  found  herself  suddenly  placed.  She  fled  a 
second  time,  in  destitution  and  distress,  to  her 
brother's  in  Normandy.  She  was  now,  how- 
ever, a  widow,  and  her  children  were  fatherless. 
It  is  difficult  to  decide  whether  to  consider  her 
situation  as  better  or  worse  on  this  account, 
than  it  was  at  her  former  exile. 

Her  sons  were  lads,  but  little  advanced  be- 
yond the  period  of  childhood ;  and  Edward,  the 
eldest,  on  whom  the  duty  of  making  exertions 
to  advance  the  family  interests  would  first  de- 
volve, was  of  a  quiet  and  gentle  spirit,  giving 
little  promise  that  he  would  soon  be  disposed 
to  enter  vigorously  upon  military  campaigns. 
Edmund,  on  the  other  hand,  who  was  now  king, 
was  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  was  a  man  of  great 
spirit  and  energy.  There  was  a  reasonable 
prospect  that  he  would  live  many  years ;  and 
even  if  he  were  to  be  suddenly  cut  off,  there 
I 


130      William  the  Conqueror. 

War  with  Canute.  Treaty  between  Edmund  and  Canute. 

seemed  to  be  no  hope  of  the  restoration  of  Emma 
to  importance  or  power ;  for  Edmund  was  mar- 
ried and  had  two  sons,  one  of  whom  would  he 
entitled  to  succeed  him  in  case  of  his  decease. 
It  seemed,  therefore,  to  he  Emma's  destiny  now, 
to  spend  the  remainder  of  her  days  with  her 
children  in  neglect  and  obscurity.  The  case 
resulted  differently,  however,  as  we  shall  see  in 
the  end. 

Edmund,  notwithstanding  his  prospect  of  a 
long  and  prosperous  career,  was  cut  off  sudden- 
ly, after  a*  stormy  reign  of  one  year.  During 
his  reign,  Canute  the  Dane  had  been  fast  gain- 
ing gronnd  in  England,  notwithstanding  the 
vigor  and  energy  with  which  Edmund  had  op- 
posed him.  Finally,  the  two  monarchs  assem- 
bled their  armies,  and  were  about  to  fight  a 
great  final  battle.  Edmund  sent  a  flag  of  truce 
to  Canute's  camp,  proposing  that,  to  save  the 
effusion  of  blood,  they  should  agree  to  decide 
the  case  by  single  combat,  and  that  he  and  Ca- 
nute should  be  the  champions,  and  fight  in  pres- 
ence of  the  armies.  Canute  declined  this  pro- 
posal. He  was  himself  small  and  slender  in 
form,  while  Edmund  was  distinguished  for  his 
personal  development  and  muscular  strength. 
Canute  therefore  declined  the  personal  contest, 


A.D.1017.]    The  Lady  Emma.  131 

Death  of  Edmund.  Accession  of  Canute. 

but  offered  to  leave  the  question  to  the  decision 
of  a  council  chosen  from  among  the  leading 
nobles  on  either  side.  This  plan  was  finally 
adopted.  The  council  convened,  and,  after  long 
deliberations,  they  framed  a  treaty  by  which  the 
country  was  divided  between  the  two  poten- 
tates, and  a  sort  of  peace  was  restored.  A  very 
short  period  after  this  treaty  was  settled,  Ed- 
mund was  murdered. 

Canute  immediately  laid  claim  to  the  whole 
realm.  He  maintained  that  it  was  a  part  of 
the  treaty  that  the  partition  of  the  kingdom  was 
to  continue  only  during  their  joint  lives,  and 
that,  on  the  death  of  either,  the  whole  was  to 
pass  to  the  survivor  of  them.  The  Saxon  lead- 
ers did  not  admit  this,  but  they  were  in  no  con- 
dition very  strenuously  to  oppose  it.  Ethelred's 
sons  by  E  mma  were  too  young  to  come  forward 
as  leaders  yet ;  and  as  to  Edmund's,  they  were 
mere  children.  There  was,  therefore,  no  one 
whom  they  could  produce  as  an  efficient  repre- 
sentative of  the  Saxon  line,  and  thus  the  Sax- 
ons were  compelled  to  submit  to  Canute's  pre- 
tensions, at  least  for  a  time.  They  would  not 
wholly  give  up  the  claims  of  Edmund's  children, 
but  they  consented  to  waive  them  for  a  season. 
They  gave  Canute  the  guardianship  of  the  boys 


132      William  the  Conqueror. 

Canute's  wise  policy.  His  treatment  of  Edmund's  children. 

until  they  should  become  of  age,  and  allowed 
him,  in  the  mean  time,  to  reign,  himself,  over 
the  whole  land. 

Canute  exercised  his  power  in  a  very  discreet 
and  judicious  manner,  seeming  intent,  in  all 
his  arrangements,  to  protect  the  rights  and  in- 
terests of  the  Saxons  as  well  as  of  the  Danes. 
It  might  he  supposed  that  the  lives  of  the  young 
Saxon  princes,  Edmund's  sons,  would  not  have 
been  safe  in  his  hands ;  hut  the  policy  which  he 
immediately  resolved  to  pursue  was  to  concili- 
ate the  Saxons,  and  not  to  intimidate  and  coerce 
them.  He  therefore  did  the  young  children  no 
harm,  but  sent  them  away  out  of  the  country  to 
Denmark,  that  they  might,  if  possible,  be  grad- 
ually forgotten.  Perhaps  he  thought  that,  if 
the  necessity  should  arise  for  it,  they  might 
there,  at  any  time,  be  put  secretly  to  death. 

There  was  another  reason  still  to  prevent 
Canute's  destroying  these  children,  wdrich  was, 
that  if  they  were  removed,  the  claims  of  the 
Saxon  line  would  not  thereby  be  extinguished, 
but  would  only  be  transferred  to  Emma's  chil- 
dren in  Normandy,  who,  being  older,  were  like- 
ly the  sooner  to  be  in  a  condition  to  give  him 
trouble  as  rivals.  It  was  therefore  a  very  wise 
and  sagacious  policy  which  prompted  him  to 


A.D.  1017-37.]  The  Lady  Emma.  133 

Canute  marries  Emma.  Opposition  of  her  sons. 

keep  the  young  children  of  Edmund  alive,  hut 
to  remove  them  to  a  safe  distance  out  of  the  way. 

In  respect  to  Emma's  children,  Canute  con- 
ceived a  different  plan  for  guarding  against  any 
danger  which  came  from  their  claims,  and  that 
was,  to  propose  to  take  their  mother  for  his  wife. 
By  this  plan  her  family  would  come  into  his 
power,  and  then  her  own  influence  and  that  of 
her  Norman  friends  would  he  forever  prevented 
from  taking  sides  against  him.  He  according- 
ly  made  the  proposal.  Emma  was  ambitious 
enough  of  again  returning  to  her  former  position 
of  greatness  as  English  queen  to  accept  it  ea- 
gerly. The  world  condemned  her  for  being  so 
ready  to  marry,  for  her  second  husband,  the 
deadly  enemy  and  rival  of  the  first ;  but  it  was 
all  one  to  her  whether  her  husband  was  Saxon 
or  Dane,  provided  that  she  could  be  queen. 

The  boys,  or,  rather,  the  young  men,  for  they 
wTere  now  advancing  to  maturity,  were  very 
strongly  opposed  to  this  connection.  They  did 
all  in  their  power  to  prevent  its  consummation, 
and  they  never  forgave  their  mother  for  thus 
basely  betraying  their  interests.  They  were 
the  more  incensed  at  this  transaction,  because 
it  was  stipulated  in  the  marriage  articles  be- 
tween Canute  and  Emma  that  their  future  chil- 


134      William  the  Conqueror. 

Emma  again  queen  of  England.  The  Earl  Godwin. 

dren — the  offspring  of  the  marriage  then  con- 
tracted— should  succeed  to  the  throne  of  En- 
gland, to  the  exclusion  of  all  previously  born  on 
either  side.  Thus  Canute  fancied  that  he  had 
secured  his  title,  and  that  of  his  descendants,  to 
the  crown  forever,  and  Emma  prepared  to  re- 
turn to  England  as  once  more  its  queen.  The 
marriage  was  celebrated  with  great  pomp  and 
splendor,  and  Emma,  bidding  Normandy  and 
her  now  alienated  children  farewell,  was  con- 
ducted in  state  to  the  royal  palace  in  London. 

We  must  now  pass  over,  with  a  very  few 
words,  a  long  interval  of  twenty  years.  It  was 
the  period  of  Canute's  reign,  which  was  pros- 
perous and  peaceful.  During  this  period  Em- 
ma's Norman  sons  continued  in  Normandy. 
She  had  another  son  in  England  a  few  years 
after  her  marriage,  who  was  named  Canute,  aft- 
er his  father,  but  he  is  generally  known  in  his- 
tory by  the  name  of  Hardicanute,  the  prefix  be- 
ing a  Saxon  word  denoting  energetic  or  strong. 
Canute  had  also  a  very  celebrated  minister  in 
his  government  named  Grodwin.  Godwin  was 
a  Saxon  of  a  very  humble  origin,  and  the  histo- 
ry of  his  life  constitutes  quite  a  romantic  tale.# 

*  It  is  given  at  length  in  the  last  chapter  of  our  history 
of  Alfred  the  Great, 


A.D.1037.]    The  Lady  Emma.  135 

Canute's  death.  He  bequeaths  the  kingdom  to  Harold. 

He  was  a  man  of  extraordinary  talents  and 
character,  and  at  the  time  of  Canute's  death  he 
was  altogether  the  most  powerful  subject  in  the 
realm. 

When  Canute  found  that  he  was  about  to 
die,  and  began  to  consider  what  arrangements 
he  should  make  for  the  succession,  he  concluded 
that  it  would  not  be  safe  for  him  to  fulfill  the 
agreement  made  in  his  marriage  contract  with 
Emma,  that  the  children  of  that  marriage 
should  inherit  the  kingdom ;  for  Hardicanute, 
who  was  entitled  to  succeed  under  that  cove- 
nant, was  only  about  sixteen  or  seventeen  years 
old,  and  consequently  too  young  to  attempt  to 
govern.  He  therefore  made  a  will,  in  which  he 
left  the  kingdom  to  an  older  son,  named  Harold 
— a  son  whom  he  had  had  before  his  marriage 
with  Emma.  This  was  the  signal  for  a  new 
struggle.  The  influence  of  the  Saxons  and  of 
Emma's  friends  was  of  course  in  favor  of  Har- 
dicanute, while  the  Danes  espoused  the  cause 
of  Harold.  Godwin  at  length  taking  sides 
with  this  last-named  party,  Harold  was  estab- 
lished on  the  throne,  and  Emma  and  all  her 
children,  whether  descended  from  Ethelred  or 
Canute,  were  set  aside  and  forgotten. 

Emma  was  not  at  all  disposed  to  acquiesce 


136      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Emma's  plots  for  her  children.  Her  letter  to  them. 

in  this  change  of  fortune.  She  remained  in 
England,  but  was  secretly  incensed  at  her  sec- 
ond husband's  breach  of  faith  toward  her ;  and 
as  he  had  abandoned  the  child  of  his  marriage 
with  her  for  his  former  children,  she  now  de- 
termined to  abandon  him  for  hers.  She  gave 
up  Hardicanute's  cause,  therefore,  and  began 
secretly  to  plot  among  the  Saxon  population 
for  bringing  forward  her  son  Edward  to  the 
throne.  When  she  thought  that  things  were 
ripe  for  the  execution  of  the  plot,  she  wrote  a 
letter  to  her  children  in  Normandy,  saying  to 
them  that  the  Saxon  population  were  weary  of 
the  Danish  line,  and  were  ready,  she  believed, 
to  rise  in  behalf  of  the  ancient  Saxon  line,  if 
the  true  representative  of  it  would  appear  to 
lead  them.  She  therefore  invited  them  to  come 
to  London  and  consult  with  her  on  the  subject. 
She  directed  them,  however,  to  come,  if  they 
came  at  all,  in  a  quiet  and  peaceful  manner, 
and  without  any  appearance  of  hostile  intent, 
inasmuch  as  any  thing  which  might  seem  like 
a  foreign  invasion  would  awaken  universal  jeal- 
ousy and  alarm. 

When  this  letter  was  received  by  the  broth- 
ers in  Normandy,  the  eldest,  Edward,  declined 
to  go,  but  gave  his  consent  that  Alfred  should 


A  J).  1037.]   The  Lady  Emma.  137 

Disastrous  issue  of  Alfred's  expedition.  His  terrible  sentence. 

undertake  the  expedition  if  he  were  disposed. 
Alfred  accepted  the  proposal.  In  fact,  the  tem- 
perament and  character  of  the  two  brothers  were 
very  different.  Edward  was  sedate,  serious, 
and  timid.  Alfred  was  ardent  and  aspiring. 
The  younger,  therefore,  decided  to  take  the  risk 
of  crossing  the  Channel,  while  the  elder  prefer- 
red to  remain  at  home. 

The  result  was  very  disastrous.  Contrary  to 
his  mother's  instructions,  Alfred  took  with  him 
quite  a  troop  of  Norman  soldiers.  He  crossed 
the  Channel  in  safety,  and  advanced  across  the 
country  some  distance  toward  London.  Harold 
sent  out  a  force  to  intercept  him.  He  was  sur- 
rounded, and  he  himself  and  all  his  followers 
were  taken  prisoners.  He  was  sentenced  to 
lose  his  eyes,  and  he  died  in  a  few  days  after 
the  execution  of  this  terrible  sentence,  from  the 
mingled  effects  of  fever  and  of  mental  anguish 
and  despair.     Emma  fled  to  Flanders. 

Finally  Harold  died,  and  Hardicanute  suc- 
ceeded him.  In  a  short  time  Hardicanute  died, 
leaving  no  heirs,  and  now,  of  course,  there  was 
no  one  left*  to  compete  with  Emma's  oldest 

*  The  children  of  Ethelred's  oldest  son,  Edmund,  were  in 
Hungar}T  at  this  time,  and  seem  to  have  been  wellnigh  for- 
gotten. 


138      William  the  Conqueror. 

Edward's  accession.  Emma  wretched  and  miserable. 

son  Edward,  who  had  remained  all  this  time 
quietly  in  Normandy.  He  was  accordingly  pro- 
claimed king.  This  was  in  1041.  He  reigned 
for  twenty  years,  having  commenced  his  reign 
ahout  the  time  that  William  the  Conqueror  was 
established  in  the  possession  of  his  dominions  as 
Duke  of  Normandy.  Edward  had  known  Will- 
iam intimately  during  his  long  residence  in  Nor- 
mandy, and  William  came  to  visit  him  in  En- 
gland in  the  course  of  his  reign.  William,  in 
fact,  considered  himself  as  Edward's  heir ;  for 
as  Edward,  though  married,  had  no  children, 
the  dukes  of  the  Norman  line  were  his  nearest 
relatives.  He  obtained,  he  said,  a  promise  from 
Edward  that  Edward  would  sanction  and  con- 
firm his  claim  to  the  English  crown,  in  the  event 
of  his  decease,  by  bequeathing  it  to  William  in 
his  will. 

Emma  was  now  advanced  in  years.  The 
ambition  which  had  been  the  ruling  principle 
of  her  life  would  seem  to  have  been  well  satis- 
fied, so  far  as  it  is  possible  to  satisfy  ambition, 
for  she  had  had  two  husbands  and  two  sons, 
all  kings  of  England.  But  as  she  advanced  to- 
ward the  close  of  her  career,  she  found  herself 
wretched  and  miserable.  Her  son  Edward 
could  not  forgive  her  for  her  abandonment  of 


A.D.  1063.]  The  Lady  Emma.  139 

Accusations  against  Emma.  Her  wretched  end. 

himself  and  his  brother,  to  marry  a  man  who 
was  their  own  and  their  father's  bitterest  enemy. 
She  had  made  a  formal  treaty  in  her  marriage 
covenant  to  exclude  them  from  the  throne.  She 
had  treated  them  with  neglect  during  all  the 
time  of  Canute's  reign,  while  she  was  living 
with  him  in  London  in  power  and  splendor. 
Edward  accused  her,  also,  of  having  connived 
at  his  brother  Alfred's  death.  The  story  is, 
that  he  caused  her  to  be  tried  on  this  charge 
by  the  ordeal  of  fire.  This  method  consisted  of 
laying  red-hot  irons  upon  the  stone  floor  of  a 
church,  at  certain  distances  from  each  other, 
and  requiring  the  accused  to  walk  over  them 
with  naked  feet.  If  the  accused  was  innocent, 
Providence,  as  they  supposed,  would  so  guide 
his  footsteps  that  he  should  not  touch  the  irons. 
Thus,  if  he  was  innocent,  he  would  go  over 
safely ;  if  guilty,  he  would  be  burned.  Emma, 
according  to  the  story  of  the  times,  was  sub- 
jected to  this  test,  in  the  Cathedral  of  "Win- 
chester, to  determine  whether  she  was  cogni- 
zant of  the  murder  of  her  son.  Whether  this 
is  true  or  not,  there  is  no  doubt  that  Edward 
confined  her  a  prisoner  in  the  monastery  at 
Winchester,  where  she  ended  her  days  at  last 
in  neglect  and  wretchedness. 


140      William  the  Conqueror. 

Edmund's  children.  Godwin.  Harold. 

When  Edward  himself  drew  near  to  the  close 
of  his  life,  his  mind  was  greatly  perplexed  in 
respect  to  the  succession.  There  was  one  de- 
scendant of  his  brother  Edmund — whose  chil- 
dren, it  will  be  remembered,  Canute  had  sent 
away  to  Denmark,  in  order  to  remove  them  out 
of  the  way — who  was  still  living  in  Hungary. 
The  name  of  this  descendant  was  Edward.  He 
was,  in  fact,  the  lawful  heir  to  the  crown.  But 
he  had  spent  his  life  in  foreign  countries,  and 
was  now  far-away ;  and,  in  the  mean  time,  the 
Earl  Godwin,  who  has  been  already  mentioned 
as  the  great  Saxon  nobleman  who  rose  from  a 
very  humble  rank  to  the  position  of  the  most 
powerful  subject  in  the  realm,  obtained  such 
an  influence,  and  wielded  so  great  a  power,  that 
he  seemed  at  one  time  stronger  than  the  king 
himself.  G-odwin  at  length  died,  but  his  son 
Harold,  who  was  as  energetic  and  active  as  his 
father,  inherited  his  power,  and  seemed,  as  Ed- 
ward thought,  to  be  aspiring  to  the  future  pos- 
session of  the  throne.  Edward  had  hated  God- 
win and  all  his  family,  and  was  now  extremely 
anxious  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  Harold's 
accession.  He  accordingly  sent  to  Hungary  to 
bring  Edward,  his  nephew,  home.  Edward 
came,  bringing  his  family  with  him.     He  had 


A.D.  1052.]  The  Lady  Emma.  141 

Plans  of  Edward.  Plots  and  counterplots. 

a  young  son  named  Edgar.  It  was  King  Ed- 
ward's plan  to  make  arrangements  for  bring- 
ing this  Prince  Edward  to  the  throne  after  his 
death,  that  Harold  might  he  excluded. 

The  plan  was  a  very  judicious  one,  hut  it  was 
unfortunately  frustrated  hy  Prince  Edward's 
death,  which  event  took  place  soon  after  he  ar- 
rived in  England.  The  young  Edgar,  then  a 
child,  was,  of  course,  his  heir.  The  king  was 
convinced  that  no  government  which  could  be 
organized  in  the  name  of  Edgar  would  be  able 
to  resist  the  mighty  power  of  Harold,  and  he 
turned  his  thoughts,  therefore,  again  to  the  ac- 
cession of  William  of  Normandy,  who  was  the 
nearest  relative  on  his  mother's  side,  as  the  only 
means  of  saving  the  realm  from  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  usurper  Harold.  A  long  and  vex- 
atious contest  then  ensued,  in  which  the  lead- 
ing powers  and  influences  of  the  kingdom  were 
divided  and  distracted  by  the  plans,  plots,  man- 
euvers, and  counter  maneuvers  of  Harold  to 
obtain  the  accession  for  himself,  and  of  Edward 
to  secure  it  for  William  of  Normandy.  In  this 
contest  Harold  conquered  in  the  first  instance, 
and  Edward  and  William  in  the  end. 


142      William  the  Conqueror. 

Harold  and  William.  Quarrel  between  Godwin  and  Edward. 


Chapter  VII, 
King   Harold. 

HAROLD,  the  son  of  the  Earl  Godwin,  who 
was  maneuvering  to  gain  possession  of 
the  English  throne,  and  "William  of  Normandy, 
though  they  lived  on  opposite  sides  of  the  En- 
glish Channel,  the  one  in  France  and  the  other 
in  England,  were  still  personally  known  to  each 
other ;  for  not  only  had  William,  as  was  stated 
in  the  last  chapter,  paid  a  visit  to  England,  but 
Harold  himself,  on  one  occasion,  made  an  ex- 
cursion to  Normandy.  The  circumstances  of 
this  expedition  were,  in  some  respects,  quite  ex- 
traordinary, and  illustrate  in  a  striking  manner 
some  of  the  peculiar  ideas  and  customs  of  the 
times.     They  were  as  follows : 

During  the  life  of  Harold's  father  Godwin, 
there  was  a  very  serious  quarrel  between  him, 
that  is,  Godwin,  and  King  Edward,  in  which 
both  the  king  and  his  rebellious  subject  marshal- 
ed their  forces,  and  for  a  time  waged  against 
each  other  an  open  and  sanguinary  wTar.  In 
this  contest  the  powTer  of  G-odwin  had  proved  so 


t 


A.D.  1063.]       King  Harold.  143 

Treaty  between  Godwin  and  Edward.  Hostages. 

formidable,  and  the  military  forces  which  he 
succeeded  in  marshaling  under  his  banners  were 
so  great,  that  Edward's  government  was  una- 
ble effectually  to  put  him  down.  At  length, 
after  a  long  and  terrible  struggle,  which  involv- 
ed a  large  part  of  the  country  in  the  horrors  of 
a  civil  war,  the  belligerents  made  a  treaty  with 
each  other,  which  settled  their  quarrel  by  a  sort 
of  compromise.  Godwin  was  to  retain  his  high 
position  and  rank  as  a  subject,  and  to  continue 
in  the  government  of  certain  portions  of  the  isl- 
and which  had  long  been  under  his  jurisdiction  ; 
he,  on  his  part,  promising  to  dismiss  his  armies, 
and  to  make  war  upon  the  king  no  more.  He 
bound  himself  to  the  faithful  performance  of 
these  covenants  by  giving  the  king  hostages. 

The  hostages  given  up  on  such  occasions  were 
always  near  and  dear  relatives  and  friends,  and 
the  understanding  was,  that  if  the  party  giving 
them  failed  in  fulfilling  his  obligations,  the  in- 
nocent and  helpless  hostages  were  to  be  entirely 
at  the  mercy  of  the  other  party  into  whose  cus- 
tody they  had  been  given.  The  latter  would, 
in  such  cases,  imprison  them,  torture  them,  or 
put  them  to  death,  with  a  greater  or  less  de- 
gree of  severity  in  respect  to  the  infliction  of 
pain,  according  to  the  degree  of  exasperation 


144      William  the  Conqueror. 

The  giving  of  hostages  now  abandoned.  Cruelties  inflicted. 

which  the  real  or  fancied  injury  which  he  had 
received  awakened  in  his  mind. 

This  cruel  method  of  binding  fierce  and  un- 
principled men  to  the  performance  of  their  prom- 
ises has  been  universally  abandoned  in  modern 
times,  though  in  the  rude  and  early  stages  of 
civilization  it  has  been  practiced  among  all  na- 
tions, ancient  and  modern.  The  hostages  cho- 
sen were  often  of  young  and  tender  years,  and 
were  always  such  as  to  render  the  separation 
which  took  place  when  they  were  torn  from 
their  friends  most  painful,  as  it  was  the  very 
object  of  the  selection  to  obtain  those  who  were 
most  beloved.  They  were  delivered  into  the 
hands  of  those  whom  they  had  always  regarded 
as  their  bitterest  enemies,  and  who,  of  course, 
were  objects  of  aversion  and  terror.  They  were 
sent  away  into  places  of  confinement  and  seclu- 
sion, and  kept  in  the  custody  of  strangers, 
where  they  lived  in  perpetual  fear  that  some 
new  outbreak  between  the  contending  parties 
would  occur,  and  consign  them  to  torture  or 
death.  The  cruelties  sometimes  inflicted,  in 
such  cases,  on  the  innocent  hostages,  were  aw- 
ful. At  one  time,  -during  the  contentions  be- 
tween Ethelred  and  Canute,  Canute,  being  driv- 
en across  the  country  to  the  sea-coast,  and  there 


A.D.1064.]       King  Harold.  145 

Canute's  hostages.  Godwin's  hostages. 

compelled  to  embark  on  board  his  ships  to  make 
his  escape,  was  cruel  enough  to  cut  off  the  hands 
and  the  feet  of  some  hostages  which  Ethelred 
had  previously  given  him,  and  leave  them  writh- 
ing in  agony  on  the  sands  of  the  shore. 

The  hostages  which  are  particularly  named 
by  historians  as  given  by  Godwin  to  King  Ed- 
ward were  his  son  and  his  grandson.  Their 
names  were  Ulnoth  and  Hacune.  Ulnoth,  of 
course,  was  Harold's  brother,  and  Hacune  his 
nephew.  Edward,  thinking  that  G-odwin  would 
contrive  some  means  of  getting  these  securities 
back  into  his  possession  again  if  he  attempted 
to  keep  them  in  England,  decided  to  send  them 
to  Normandy,  and  to  put  them  under  the  charge 
of  William  the  duke  for  safe  keeping.  When 
Godwin  died,  Harold  applied  to  Edward  to  give 
up  the  hostages,  since,  as  he  alleged,  there  was 
no  longer  any  reason  for  detaining  them.  They 
had  been  given  as  security  for  Godwin }s  good 
behavior,  and  now  Godwin  was  no  more. 

Edward  could  not  well  refuse  to  surrender 
them,  and  yet,  as  Harold  succeeded  to  the 
power,  and  evidently  possessed  all  the  ambition 
of  his  father,  it  seemed  to  be,  politically,  as 
necessary  to  retain  the  hostages  now  as  it  had 
been  before.  Edward,  therefore,  without  abso- 
K 


146      "William  the   Conqueror. 

Edward  declines  to  give  up  the  hostages.        Harold  goes  to  Normandy. 

lutely  refusing  to  surrender  them,  postponed 
and  evaded  compliance  with  Harold's  demand, 
on  the  ground  that  the  hostages  were  in  Nor- 
mandy. He  was  going,  he  said,  to  send  for 
them  as  soon  as  he  could  make  the  necessary 
arrangements  for  bringing  them  home  in  safety. 

Under  these  circumstances,  Harold  determ- 
ined to  go  and  bring  them  himself.  He  pro- 
posed this  plan  to  Edward.  Edward  would  not 
absolutely  refuse  his  consent,  but  he  did  all  in 
his  power  to  discourage  such  an  expedition.  He 
told  Harold  that  "William  of  Normandy  was  a 
crafty  and  powerful  man ;  that  by  going  into 
his  dominions  he  would  put  himself  entirely 
into  his  power,  and  would  be  certain  to  involve 
himself  in  some  serious  difficulty.  This  inter- 
view between  Harold  and  the  king  is  commem- 
orated on  the  Bayeux  tapestry  by  the  opposite 
uncouth  design. 

What  effect  Edward's  disapproval  of  the  pro- 
ject produced  upon  Harold's  mind  is  not  cer- 
tainly known.  It  is  true  that  he  went  across 
the  Channel,  but  the  accounts  of  the  crossing 
are  confused  and  contradictory,  some  of  them 
stating  that,  while  sailing  for  pleasure  with  a 
party  of  attendants  and  companions  on  the  coast, 
he  was  blown  off  from  the  shore  and  driven 


A.D.1064.]       King  Harold. 


147 


Harold's  interview  with  Edward. 


Harold's  interview  with  EDwaiiD. 

across  to  France  by  a  storm.  The  probability, 
however,  is,  that  this  story  was  only  a  pretense- 
He  was  determined  to  go,  but  not  wishing  to 
act  openly  in  defiance  of  the  king's  wishes,  he 
contrived  to  be  blown  off,  in  order  to  make  it 
seem  that  he  went  against  his  will. 

At  all  events,  the  storm  was  real,  whether 
his  being  compelled  to  leave  the  English  shores 
by  the  power  of  it  was  real  or  pretended.     It 


148      William  the   Conqueror. 

Harold  shipwrecked.  Guy,  count  of  Ponthieu. 

carried  him,  too,  out  of  his  course,  driving  him 
up  the  Channel  to  the  eastward  of  Normandy, 
where  he  had  intended  to  land,  and  at  length 
throwing  his  galley,  a  wreck,  on  the  shore,  not 
far  from  the  mouth  of  the  Somme.  The  galley 
itself  was  "broken  up,  but  Harold  and  his  com- 
pany escaped  to  land.  They  found  that  they 
were  in  the  dominions  of  a  certain  prince  who 
held  possessions  on  that  coast,  whose  style  and 
title  was  Guy,  count  of  Ponthieu. 

The  law  in  those  days  was,  that  wrecks  he- 
came  the  property  of  the  lord  of  the  territory 
on  the  shores  of  which  they  occurred ;  and  not 
only  were  the  ships  and  the  goods  which  they 
contained  thus  confiscated  in  case  of  such  a 
disaster,  hut  the  owners  themselves  became  li- 
able to  be  seized  and  held  captive  for  a  ransom. 
Harold,  knowing  his  danger,  was  attempting  to 
secrete  himself  on  the  coast  till  he  could  get  to 
Normandy,  when  a  fisherman  who  saw  him,  and 
knew  by  his  dress  and  appearance,  and  by  the 
deference  with  which  he  was  treated  by  the  rest 
of  the  company,  that  he  was  a  man  of  great 
consequence  in  his  native  land,  went  to  the 
count,  and  said  that  for  ten  crowns  he  would 
show  him  where  there  was  a  man  who  would 
be  worth  a  thousand  to  him.     The  count  came 


A.D.  1064.]       King  Harold.  149 

Harold  a  prisoner.  He  is  ransomed  by  William. 

down  with  his  retinue  to  the  coast,  seized  the  un- 
fortunate adventurers,  took  possession  of  all  the 
goods  and  baggage  that  the  waves  had  spared, 
and  shut  the  men  themselves  up  in  his  castle 
at  Abbeville  till  they  could  pay  their  ransom. 

Harold  remonstrated  against  this  treatment. 
He  said  that  he  was  on  his  way  to  Normandy 
on  business  of  great  importance  with  the  duke, 
from  the  King  of  England,  and  that  he  could 
not  be  detained.  But  the  count  was  very  de- 
cided in  refusing  to  let  him  go  without  his  ran- 
som. Harold  then  sent  word  to  "William,  ac- 
quainting him  with  his  situation,  and  asking 
him  to  effect  his  release.  William  sent  to  the 
count,  demanding  that  he  should  give  his  pris- 
oner up.  All  these  things,  however,  only  tend- 
ed to  elevate  and  enlarge  the  count's  ideas  of 
the  value  and  importance  of  the  prize  which  he 
had  been  so  fortunate  to  secure.  He  persisted 
in  refusing  to  give  him  up  without  ransom. 
Finally  "William  paid  the  ransom,  in  the  shape 
of  a  large  sum  of  money,  and  the  cession,  in 
addition,  of  a  considerable  territory.  Harold 
and  his  companions  in  bondage  were  then  de- 
livered to  "William's  messengers,  and  conducted 
by  them  in  safety  to  Rouen,  where  "William 
was  then  residing. 


150       William  the   Conqueror. 

William  s  hospitality.  His  policy  in  this. 

"William  received  his  distinguished  guest 
with  every  possible  mark  of  the  most  honorable 
consideration.  He  was  escorted  with  great  pa- 
rade and  ceremony  into  the  palace,  lodged  in 
the  most  sumptuous  manner,  provided  with  ev- 
ery necessary  supply,  and  games,  and  military 
spectacles,  and  feasts  and  entertainments  with- 
out number,  were  arranged  to  celebrate  his  visit. 
William  informed  him  that  he  wTas  at  liberty  to 
return  to  England  whenever  he  pleased,  and 
that  his  brother  and  his  nephew,  the  hostages 
that  lie  had  come  to  seek,  were  at  his  disposal. 
He,  however,  urged  him  not  to  return  imme- 
diately, but  to  remain  a  short  time  in  Norman- 
dy with  his  companions.  Harold  accepted  the 
invitation. 

All  this  exuberance  of  hospitality  had  its  or- 
igin, as  the  reader  will  readily  divine,  in  the 
duke's  joy  in  finding  the  only  important  rival 
likely  to  appear  to  contest  his  claims  to  the  En- 
lish  crown  so  fully  in  his  power,  and  in  the 
hope  which  he  entertained  of  so  managing  affairs 
at  this  visit  as  to  divert  Harold's  mind  from  the 
idea  of  becoming  the  King  of  England  himself, 
and  to  induce  him  to  pledge  himself  to  act  in 
his,  that  is,  William's  favor.  He  took,  there- 
fore, all  possible  pains  to  make  him  enjoy  his 


A.D.1064.]       King  Harold.  151 

William's  treatment  of  his  guests.  Excursion  to  Brittany. 

visit  in  Normandy ;  he  exhibited  to  him  the 
wealth  and  the  resources  of  the  country — con- 
ducting him  from  place  to  place  to  visit  the  cas- 
tles, the  abbeys,  and  the  towns — and,  finally,  he 
proposed  that  he  should  accompany  him  on  a 
military  expedition  into  Brittany. 

Harold,  pleased  with  the  honors  conferred 
upon  him,  and  with  the  novelty  and  magnifi- 
cence of  the  scenes  to  which  he  was  introduced, 
entered  heartily  into  all  these  plans,  and  his 
companions  and  attendants  were  no  less  pleased 
than  he.  William  knighted  many  of  these  fol- 
lowers of  Harold,  and  made  them  costly  pres- 
ents of  horses,  and  banners,  and  suits  of  armor, 
and  other  such  gifts  as  were  calculated  to  cap- 
tivate the  hearts  of  martial  adventurers  such  as 
they.  William  soon  gained  an  entire  ascend- 
ency over  their  minds,  and  when  he  invited 
them  to  accompany  him  on  his  expedition  into 
Brittany,  they  were  all  eager  to  go. 

Brittany  was  wrest  of  Normandy,  and  on  the 
frontiers  of  it,  so  that  the  expedition  was  not  a 
distant  one.  Nor  was  it  long  protracted.  It 
was,  in  fact,  a  sort  of  pleasure  excursion,  Will- 
iam taking  his  guest  across  the  frontier  into  his 
neighbor's  territory,  on  a  marauding  party,  just 
as  a  nobleman,  in  modern  times,  would  take  a 


152      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Harold's  talents.  William's  policy. 

party  into  a  forest  to  hunt.  William  and  Har- 
old were  on  the  most  intimate  and  friendly 
terms  possible  during  the  continuance  of  this 
campaign.  They  occupied  the  same  tent,  and 
ate  at  the  same  table.  Harold  evinced  great 
military  talents  and  much  bravery  in  the  va- 
rious adventures  which  they  met  with  in  Brit- 
tany, and  William  felt  more  than  ever  the  de- 
sirableness of  securing  his  influence  on  his,  that 
is,  William's  side,  or,  at  least,  of  preventing  his 
becoming  an  open  rival  and  enemy.  On  their 
return  from  Brittany  into  Normandy,  he  judg- 
ed that  the  time  had  arrived  for  taking  his 
measures.  He  accordingly  resolved  to  come  to 
an  open  understanding  with  Harold  in  respect 
to  his  plans,  and  to  seek  his  co-operation. 

He  introduced  the  subject,  the  historians  say, 
one  day  as  they  were  riding  along  homeward 
from  their  excursion,  and  had  been  for  some 
time  talking  familiarly  on  the  way,  relating 
tales  to  one  another  of  wars,  battles,  sieges, 
and  hair-breadth  escapes,  and  other  such  ad- 
ventures as  formed,  generally,  the  subjects  of 
narrative  conversation  in  those  days.  At  length 
William,  finding  Harold,  as  he  judged,  in  a  fa- 
vorable mood  for  such  a  communication,  intro- 
duced the  subject  of  the  English  realm  and  the 


A.D.1064.]       King  Harold.  153 

William  makes  known  to  Harold  his  claims  to  the  English  crown. 

approaching  demise  of  the  crown.  He  told  him, 
confidentially,  that  there  had  been  an  arrange- 
ment between  him,  William,  and  King  Ed- 
ward, for  some  time,  that  Edward  was  to  adopt 
him  as  his  successor.  William  told  Harold, 
moreover,  that  he  should  rely  a  great  deal  on 
his  co-operation  and  assistance  in  getting  peace- 
able possession  of  the  kingdom,  and  promised  to 
bestow  upon  him  the  very  highest  rewards  and 
honors  in  return  if  he  would  give  him  his  aid. 
The  only  rival  claimant,  William  said,  was  the 
young  child  Edgar,  and  he  had  no  friends,  no 
party,  no  military  forces,  and  no  means  what- 
ever for  maintaining  his  pretensions.  On  the 
other  hand,  he,  William,  and  Harold,  had  obvi- 
ously all  the  power  in  their  own  hands,  and  if 
they  could  only  co-operate  together  on  a  com- 
mon understanding,  they  would  be  sure  to  have 
the  power  and  the  honors  of  the  English  realm 
entirely  at  their  disposal. 

Harold  listened  to  all  these  suggestions,  and 
pretended  to  be  interested  and  pleased.  He  was, 
in  reality,  interested,  but  he  was  not  pleased. 
He  wished  to  secure  the  kingdom  for  himself, 
not  merely  to  obtain  a  share,  however  large,  of 
its  power  and  its  honors  as  the  subject  of  an- 
other.    He  was,  however,  too  wary  to  evince 


154      William  the   Conqueror. 

Harold's  dissimulation.  William's  precautions. 

his  displeasure.  On  the  contrary,  he  assented 
to  the  plan,  professed  to  enter  into  it  with  all 
his  heart,  and  expressed  his  readiness  to  com- 
mence, immediately,  the  necessary  preliminary 
measures  for  carrying  it  into  execution.  "Will- 
iam was  much  gratified  with  the  successful  re- 
sult of  his  negotiation,  and  the  two  chieftains 
rode  home  to  William's  palace  in  Normandy, 
banded  together,  apparently,  by  very  strong 
ties.  In  secret,  however,  Harold  w7as  resolving 
to  effect  his  departure  from  Normandy  as  soon 
as  possible,  and  to  make  immediate  and  most 
effectual  measures  for  securing  the  kingdom  of 
England  to  himself,  without  any  regard  to  the 
promises  that  he  had  made  to  William. 

Nor  must  it  be  supposed  that  William  him- 
self placed  any  positive  reliance  on  mere  prom- 
ises from  Harold.  He  immediately  began  to 
form  plans  for  binding  him  to  the  performance 
of  his  stipulations,  by  the  modes  then  commonly 
employed  for  securing  the  fulfillment  of  cove- 
nants made  among  princes.  These  methods 
wrere  three — intermarriages,  the  giving  of  hos- 
tages, and  solemn  oaths. 

William  proposed  two  marriages  as  means 
of  strengthening  the  alliance  between  himself 
and  Harold.     Harold  was  to  give  to  William 


A.D.  1064.]       King  Harold.  155 

The  bctrothment.  William  retains  a  hostage. 

one  of  his  daughters,  that  William  might  marry 
her  to  one  of  his  Norman  chieftains.  This 
would  be,  of  course,  placing  her  in  William's 
power,  and  making  her  a  hostage  all  but  in 
name.  Harold,  however,  consented.  The  sec- 
ond marriage  proposed  was  between  William's 
daughter  and  Harold  himself ;  but  as  his  daugh- 
ter was  a  child  of  only  seven  years  of  age,  it 
could  only  be  a  betrothment  that  could  take 
place  at  that  time.  Harold  acceded  to  this 
proposal  too,  and  arrangements  were  made  for 
having  the  faith  of  the  parties  pledged  to  one 
another  in  the  most  solemn  manner.  A  great 
assembly  of  all  the  knights,  nobles,  and  ladies 
of  the  court  was  convened,  and  the  ceremony 
of  pledging  the  troth  between  the  fierce  warrior 
and  the  gentle  and  wondering  child  was  per- 
formed with  as  much  pomp  and  parade  as  if  it 
had  been  an  actual  wedding.  The  name  of  the 
girl  was  Adela. 

In  respect  to  hostages,  William  determined  to 
detain  one  of  those  whom  Harold,  as  will  be  rec- 
ollected, had  come  into  Normandy  to  recover. 
He  tdd  him,  therefore,  that  he  might  take  with 
him  his  nephew  Hacune,  but  that  Ulnoth,  his 
brother,  should  remain,  and  William  would 
bring  him  over  himself  when  he  came  to  take 


156      William  the  Conqueror. 

Harold's  apparent  acquiescence.  The  public  oath. 

possession  of  the  kingdom.  Harold  was  ex- 
tremely unwilling  to  leave  his  brother  thus  in 
"William's  power  ;  but  as  he  knew  very  well  that 
his  being  allowed  to  return  to  England  himself 
would  depend  upon  his  not  evincing  any  reluc- 
tance to  giving  William  security,  or  manifest- 
ing any  other  indication  that  he  was  not  intend- 
ing to  keep  his  plighted  faith,  he  readily  con- 
sented, and  it  was  thus  settled  that  Ulnoth 
should  remain. 

Finally,  in  order  to  hold  Harold  to  the  fulfill- 
ment of  his  promises  by  every  possible  form  of 
obligation,  William  proposed  that  he  should 
take  a  public  and  solemn  oath,  in  the  presence 
of  a  large  assembly  of  all  the  great  potentates 
and  chieftains  of  the  realm,  by  which  he  should 
bind  himself,  under  the  most  awful  sanctions,  to 
keep  his  word.  Harold  made  no  objection  to 
this  either.  He  considered  himself  as,  in  fact, 
in  duress,  and  his  actions  as  not  free.  He  was 
in.  William's  power,  and  was  influenced  in  all 
he  did  by  a  desire  to  escape  from  Normandy, 
and  once  more  recover  his  liberty.  He  accord- 
ingly decided,  in  his  own  mind,  that  whatever 
oaths  he  might  take  he  should  afterward  con- 
sider as  forced  upon  him,  and  consequently  as 
null  and  void,  and  was  ready,  therefore,  to  take 
any  that  William  might  propose. 


AD.  1064.]       King  Harold.  157 

The  great  assembly  of  knights  and  nobles.  The  threefold  oath. 

The  great  assembly  was  accordingly  conven- 
ed. In  the  middle  of  the  council  hall  there  was 
placed  a  great  chair  of  state,  which  was  covered 
with  a  cloth  of  gold.  Upon  this  cloth,  and  rais- 
ed considerably  above  the  seat,  was  the  missal, 
that  is,  the  book  of  service  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  written  on  parchment  and  splendidly 
illuminated.  The  book  was  open  at  a  passage 
from  one  of  the  Evangelists — the  Evangelists 
being  a  portion  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  which 
was,  in  those  days,  supposed  to  invest  an  oath 
with  the  most  solemn  sanctions. 

Harold  felt  some  slight  misgivings  as  he  ad* 
vanced  in  the  midst  of  such  an  imposing  scene 
as  the  great  assembly  of  knights  and  ladies  pre- 
sented in  the  council  hall,  to  repeat  his  prom- 
ises in  the  very  presence  of  Grod,  and  to  impre- 
cate the  retributive  curses  of  the  Almighty  on 
the  violation  of  them,  which  he  was  deliberately 
and  fully  determined  to  incur.  He  had,  how- 
ever, gone  too  far  to  retreat  now.  He  advanc- 
ed, therefore,  to  the  open  missal,  laid  his  hand 
upon  the  book,  and,  repeating  the  words  which 
William  dictated  to  him  from  his  throne,  he 
took  the  threefold  oath  required,  namely,  to 
aid  William  to  the  utmost  of  his  power  in  his 
attempt  to  secure  the  succession  to  the  English 


158       "William  the  Conqueror. 

William's  precaution.  The  sacred  relics. 

crown,  to  marry  "William's  daughter  Adela  as 
soon  as  she  should  arrive  at  a  suitable  age,  and 
to  send  over  forthwith  from  England  his  own 
daughter,  that  she  might  be  espoused  to  one  of 
William's  nobles. 

As  soon  as  the  oath  was  thus  taken,  William 
caused  the  missal  and  the  cloth  of  gold  to  be  re- 
moved, and  there  appeared  beneath  it,  on  the 
chair  of  state,  a  chest,  containing  the  sacred  rel- 
ics of  the  Church,  which  William  had  secretly 
collected  from  the  abbeys  and  monasteries  of 
his  dominions,  and  placed  in  this  concealment, 
that,  without  Harold's  being  conscious  of  it, 
their  dreadful  sanction  might  be  added  to  that 
which  the  Holy  Evangelists  imposed.  These 
relics  were  fragments  of  bones  set  in  caskets 
and  frames,  and  portions  of  blood — relics,  as  the 
monks  alleged,  of  apostles  or  of  the  Savior — and 
small  pieces  of  wrood,  similarly  preserved,  which 
had  been  portions  of  the  cross  of  Christ  or  of 
his  thorny  crown.  These  things  w7ere  treasured 
up  with  great  solemnity  in  the  monastic  estab- 
lishments and  in  the  churches  of  these  early 
times,  and  were  regarded  with  a  veneration  and 
awe,  of  which  it  is  almost  beyond  our  power 
even  to  conceive.  Harold  trembled  when  he 
saw  what  he  had  unwittingly  done.     He  was 


A.D.  1064]       King  Harold.  159 

Harold's  departure.  His  measures  to  secure  the  throne. 

terrified  to  think  how  much  more  dreadful  was 
the  force  of  the  imprecations  that  he  had  utter- 
ed than  he  had  imagined  while  uttering  them. 
But  it  was  too  late  to  undo  what  he  had  done. 
The  assemhly  was  finally  dismissed.  William 
thought  he  had  the  conscience  of  his  new  ally 
firmly  secured,  and  Harold  began  to  prepare  for 
leaving  Normandy. 

He  continued  on  excellent  terms  with  Will- 
iam until  his  departure.  William  accompanied 
him  to  the  sea-shore  when  the  time  of  his  em- 
barkation arrived,  and  dismissed  him  at  last 
with  many,  farewell  honors,  and  a  profusion  of 
presents.  Harold  set  sail,  and,  crossing  the 
Channel  in  safety,  he  landed  in  England. 

He  commenced  immediately  an  energetic  sys- 
tem of  measures  to  strengthen  his  own  cause, 
and  prepare  the  way  for  his  own  accession.  He 
organized  his  party,  collected  arms  and  muni- 
tions of  war,  and  did  all  that  he  could  to  ingrati- 
ate himself  with  the  most  powerful  and  wealthy 
nobles.  He  sought  the  favor  of  the  king,  too, 
and  endeavored  to  persuade  him  to  discard  Will- 
iam. The  king  was  now  old  and  infirm,  and 
was  growing  more  and  more  inert  and  gloomy 
as  he  advanced  in  age.  His  mind  was  occu- 
pied altogether  in  ecclesiastical  rites  and  ob- 


160      William  the  Conqueror. 

Age  and  infirmities  of  Edward.  Westminster. 

servances,  or  plunged  in  a  torpid  and  lifeless 
melancholy,  which  made  him  averse  to  giving 
any  thought  to  the  course  which  the  affairs  of 
his  kingdom  were  to  take  after  he  was  gone. 
He  did  not  care  whether  Harold  or  William 
took  the  crown  when  he  laid  it  aside,  provided 
they  would  allow  him  to  die  in  peace. 

He  had  had,  a  few  years  previous  to  this  time, 
a  plan  of  making  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem, 
but  had  finally  made  an  arrangement  with  the 
pope,  allowing  him  to  build  a  Cathedral  church, 
to  be  dedicated  to  St.  Peter,  a  few  miles  west 
of  London,  in  lieu  of  his  pilgrimage.  There 
was  already  a  Cathedral  church  or  minster  in 
the  heart  of  London  which  was  dedicated  to  St. 
Paul.  The  new  one  was  afterward  often  called, 
to  distinguish  it  from  the  other,  the  ivest  min- 
ster,  which  designation,  Westminster,  became 
afterward  its  regular  name.  It  was  on  this  spot, 
where  Westminster  Abbey  now  stands,  that 
Edward's  church  wras  to  be  built.  It  was  just 
completed  at  the  time  of  wThich  we  are  speak- 
ing, and  the  king  was  preparing  for  the  dedi- 
cation of  it.  He  summoned  an  assembly  of  all 
the  prelates  and  great  ecclesiastical  dignitaries 
of  the  land  to  convene  at  London,  in  order  to 
dedicate  the  new  Cathedral.     Before  they  were 


A.D.  1066.]       KingHarold.  161 

Edward's  death.  The  crown  offered  to  Harold. 

ready  for  the  service,  the  king  was  taken  sud- 
denly sick.  They  placed  him  upon  his  couch 
in  his  palace  chamber,  where  he  lay,  restless, 
and  moaning  in  pain,  and  repeating  incessantly, 
half  in  sleep  and  half  in  delirium,  the  gloomy 
and  threatening  texts  of  Scripture  which  seem- 
ed to  haunt  his  mind.  He  was  eager  to  have 
the  dedication  go  on,  and  they  hastened  the 
service  in  order  to  gratify  him  by  having  it  per- 
formed before  he  died.  The  next  day  he  was 
obviously  failing.  Harold  and  his  friends  were 
very  earnest  to  have  the  departing  monarch  de- 
clare in  his  favor  before  he  died,  and  their  coming 
and  going,  and  their  loud  discussions,  rude  sol- 
diers as  they  were,  disturbed  his  dying  hours. 
He  sent  them  word  to  choose  whom  they  would 
for  king,  duke  or  earl,  it  was  indifferent  to  him, 
and  thus  expired. 

Harold  had  made  his  arrangements  so  well, 
and  had  managed  so  effectually  to  secure  the 
influence  of  all  the  powerful  nobles  of  the  king- 
dom, that  they  immediately  convened  and  offer- 
ed him  the  crown.  Edgar  was  in  the  court  of 
Edward  at  the  time,  but  he  was  too  young  to 
make  any  effort  to  advance  his  claims.  He 
was,  in  fact,  a  foreigner,  though  in  the  English 
royal  line.  He  had  been  brought  up  on  the 
L 


162      William  the    Conqueror. 

Harold's  coronation.  He  knights  Edgar. 

Continent  of  Europe,  and  could  not  even  speak 
the  English  tongue.  He  acquiesced,  therefore, 
without  complaint,  in  these  proceedings,  and 
was  even  present  as  a  consenting  spectator  on 
the  occasion  of  Harold's  coronation,  which  cere- 
mony was  performed  with  great  pomp  and  pa- 
rade, at  St.  Paul's,  in  London,  very  soon  after 
King  Edward's  death.  Harold  rewarded  Ed- 
gar for  his  complaisance  and  discretion  hy  con- 
ferring upon  him  the  honor  of  knighthood  im- 
mediately after  the  coronation,  and  in  the  church 
where  the  ceremony  was  performed.  He  also 
conferred  similar  distinctions  and  honors  upon 
many  other  aspiring  and  ambitious  men  whom, 
he  wished  to  secure  to  his  side.  He  thus  seem- 
ed to  have  secure  and  settled  possession  of  the 
throne. 

Previously  to  this  time,  Harold  had  married 
a  young  lady  of  England,  a  sister  of  two  very 
powerful  noblemen,  and  the  richest  heiress  in 
the  realm.  This  marriage  greatly  strengthen- 
ed his  influence  in  England,  and  helped  to  pre- 
pare the  way  for  his  accession  to  the  supreme 
power.  The  tidings  of  it,  however,  when  they 
crossed  the  Channel  and  reached  the  ears  of 
"William  of  Normandy,  as  the  act  was  an  open 
and  deliberate  violation  of  one  of  the  covenants 


A.D.1066.]       King  Harold.  163 

Harold  violates  his  plighted  faith  to  William. 

which  Harold  had  made  with  "William,  con- 
vinced the  latter  that  none  of  these  covenants 
would  be  kept,  and  prepared  him  to  expect  all 
that  afterward  followed. 


164      William  the  Conqueror. 

Harold's  brother  Tostig.      He  brings  intelligence  of  Harold's  accession. 


Chapter  VIM. 

The  Preparations. 

r  |  \HE  messenger  who  brought  "William  the 
-*-  tidings  of  Harold's  accession  to  the  throne 
was  a  man  named  Tostig,  Harold's  brother. 
Though  he  was  Harold's  brother,  he  was  still 
his  bitterest  enemy.  Brothers  are  seldom  friends 
in  families  where  there  is  a  crown  to  be  con- 
tended for.  There  were,  of  course,  no  public 
modes  of  communicating  intelligence  in  those 
days,  and  Tostig  had  learned  the  facts  of  Ed- 
ward's death  and  Harold's  coronation  through 
spies  which  he  had  stationed  at  certain  points 
on  the  coast.  He  was  himself,  at  that  time, 
on  the  Continent.  He  rode  with  all  speed  to 
Rouen  to  communicate  the  news  to  William, 
eager  to  incite  him  to  commence  hostilities 
against  his  brother. 

When  Tostig  arrived  at  Rouen,  William  was 
in  a  park  which  lay  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city, 
trying  a  new  bow  that  had  been  recently  made 
for  him.  William  was  a  man  of  prodigious 
muscular  strength,  and  they  gave  him  the  credit 


A.D.  1066.]   The  Preparations.  167 

William's  strength  and  dexterity.  His  surprise. 

of  being  able  to  use  easily  a  bow  which  nobody- 
else  could  bend.  A  part  of  this  credit  was 
doubtless  due  to  the  etiquette  which,  in  royal 
palaces  and  grounds,  leads  all  sensible  courtiers 
to  take  good  care  never  to  succeed  in  attempts 
to  excel  the  king.  But,  notwithstanding  this 
consideration,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  duke 
really  merited  a  great  portion  of  the  commen- 
dation that  he  received  for  his  strength  and  dex- 
terity in  the  use  of  the  bow.  It  was  a  weapon 
in  which  he  took  great  interest.  A  new  one 
had  been  made  for  him,  of  great  elasticity  and 
strength,  and  he  had  gone  out  into  his  park, 
with  his  officers,  to  try  its  powers,  when  Tostig 
arrived.  Tostig  followed  him  to  the  place,  and 
there  advancing  to  his  side,  communicated  the 
tidings  to  him  privately. 

William  was  greatly  moved  by  the  intelli- 
gence. His  arrow  dropped  upon  the  ground. 
He  gave  the  bow  to  an  attendant.  He  stood 
for  a  time  speechless,  tying  and  untying  the 
cordon  of  his  cloak  in  his  abstraction.  Present- 
ly he  began  slowly  to  move  away  from  the 
place,  and  to  return  toward  the  city.  His  at- 
tendants followed  him  in  silence,  wondering 
what  the  exciting  tidings  could  be  which  had 
produced  so  sudden  and  powerful  an  effect. 


168      William  the  Conqueror. 

Fitzosborne.  His  interview  with  William. 

William  went  into  the  castle  hall,  and  walk- 
ed to  and  fro  a  long  time,  thoughtful,  and  evi- 
dently agitated.  His  attendants  waited  in  si- 
lence, afraid  to  speak  to  him.  Rumors  began 
at  length  to  circulate  among  them  in  respect  to 
the  nature  of  the  intelligence  which  had  been 
received.  At  length  a  great  officer  of  state, 
named  Fitzosborne,  arrived  at  the  castle.  As 
he  passed  through  the  court-yard  and  gates,  the 
attendants  and  the  people,  knowing  that  he  pos- 
sessed in  a  great  degree  the  confidence  of  his 
sovereign,  asked  him  what  the  tidings  were  that 
had  made  such  an  impression.  "  I  know  noth- 
ing certain  about  it,"  said  he,  "  but  I  will  soon 
learn."  So  saying,  he  advanced  toward  Will- 
iam, and  accosted  him  by  saying,  "  Why  should 
you  conceal  from  us  your  news  ?  It  is  report- 
ed in  the  city  that  the  King  of  England  is  dead, 
and  that  Harold  has  violated  his  oaths  to  you, 
and  has  seized  the  kingdom.     Is  that  true  ?" 

William  acknowledged  that  that  was  the  in- 
telligence by  which  he  had  been  so  vexed  and 
chagrined.  Fitzosborne  urged  the  duke  not  to 
allow  such  events  to  depress  or  dispirit  him. 
"  As  for  the  death  of  Edward,"  said  he,  "that 
is  an  event  past  and  sure,  and  can  not  be  re- 
called; but  Harold's  usurpation  and  treachery 


A.D.  1066.]  The  Preparations.  169 

The  great  council  of  state.  The  embassy  to  Harold. 

admits  of  a  very  easy  remedy.  You  have  the 
right  to  the  throne,  and  you  have  the  soldiers 
necessary  to  enforce  that  right.  Undertake  the 
enterprise  boldly.    You  will  be  sure  to  succeed." 

"William  revolved  the  subject  in  his  mind  for 
a  few  days,  during  which  the  exasperation  and 
anger  which  the  first  receipt  of  the  intelligence 
had  produced  upon  him  was  succeeded  by  calm 
but  indignant  deliberation,  in  respect  to  the 
course  which  he  should  pursue.  He  concluded 
to  call  a  great  council  of  state,  and  to  lay  the 
case  before  them — not  for  the  purpose  of  ob- 
taining their  advice,  but  to  call  their  attention 
to  the  crisis  in  a  formal  and  solemn  manner, 
and  to  prepare  them  to  act  in  concert  in  the 
subsequent  measures  to  be  pursued.  The  re- 
sult of  the  deliberations  of  this  council,  guided, 
doubtless,  by  William's  own  designs,  was,  that 
the  first  step  should  be  to  send  an  embassy  to 
Harold  to  demand  of  him  the  fulfillment  of  his 
promises. 

The  messenger  was  accordingly  dispatched. 
He  proceeded  to  London,  and  laid  before  Harold 
the  communication  with  which  he  had  been  in- 
trusted. This  communication  recounted  the 
three  promises  which  Harold  had  made,  name- 
ly, to  send  his  daughter  to  Normandy  to  be 


170      William  the  Conqueror. 

Harold  reminded  of  his  promises.  His  replies. 

married  to  one  of  William's  generals ;  to  marry 
William's  daughter  himself;  and  to  maintain 
William's  claims  to  the  English  crown  on  the 
death  of  Edward.  He  was  to  remind  Harold, 
also,  of  the  solemnity  with  which  he  had  bound 
himself  to  fulfill  these  obligations,  by  oaths  tak- 
en in  the  presence  of  the  most  sacred  relics  of 
the  Church,  and  in  the  most  public  and  deliber- 
ate manner. 
Harold  replied, 

1.  That  as  to  sending  over  his  daughter  to  be 
married  to  one  of  William's  generals,  he  could 
not  do  it,  for  his  daughter  was  dead.  He  pre- 
sumed, he  said,  that  William  did  not  wish  him 
to  send  the  corpse. 

2.  In  respect  to  marrying  William's  daughter, 
to  whom  he  had  been  affianced  in  Normandy, 
he  was  sorry  to  say  that  that  was  also  out  of 
his  power,  as  he  could  not  take  a  foreign  wife 
without  the  consent  of  his  people,  which  he  was 
confident  would  never  be  given ;  besides,  he 
was  already  married,  he  said,  to  a  Saxon  lady 
of  his  own  dominions. 

3.  In  regard  to  the  kingdom  :  it  did  not  de- 
pend upon  him,  he  said,  to  decide  who  should 
rule  over  England  as  Edward's  successor,  but 
upon  the  will  of  Edward  himself,  and  upon  the 


A.D.1066.]  The  Preparations.  171 

Return  of  the  messenger.  William  prepares  for  war. 

English  people.  The  English  barons  and  no- 
bles had  decided,  with  Edward's  concurrence, 
that  he,  Harold,  was  their  legitimate  and  proper 
sovereign,  and  that  it  was  not  for  him  to  con- 
trovert their  will.  However  much  he  might  be 
disposed  to  comply  with  "William's  wishes,  and 
to  keep  his  promise,  it  was  plain  that  it  was  out 
of  his  power,  for  in  promising  him  the  English 
crown,  he  had  promised  what  did  not  belong  to 
him  to  give. 

4.  As  to  his  oaths,  he  said  that,  notwith- 
standing the  secret  presence  of  the  sacred  relics 
under  the  cloth  of  gold,  he  considered  them  as 
of  no  binding  force  upon  his  conscience,  for  he 
was  constrained  to  take  them  as  the  only  means 
of  escaping  from  the  duress  in  which  he  wTas 
virtually  held  in  Normandy.  Promises,  and 
oaths  even,  when  extorted  by  necessity,  were 
null  and  void. 

The  messenger  returned  to  Normandy  with 
these  replies,  and  William  immediately  began 
to  prepare  for  war. 

His  first  measure  was  to  call  a  council  of  his 
most  confidential  friends  and  advisers,  and  to 
lay  the  subject  before  them.  They  cordially 
approved  of  the  plan  of  an  invasion  of  England, 
and  promised  to  co-operate  in  the  accomplish- 
ment of  it  to  the  utmost  of  their  power. 


172      "William  the  Conqueror. 

William  calls  a  general  council.  Want  of  funds. 

The  next  step  was  to  call  a  general  council 
of  all  the  chieftains  and  nobles  of  the  land,  and 
also  the  notables,  as  they  were  called,  or  prin- 
cipal officers  and  municipal  authorities  of  the 
towns.  The  main  point  of  interest  for  the  con- 
sideration of  this  assembly  was,  whether  the 
country  would  submit  to  the  necessary  taxation 
for  raising  the  necessary  funds.  William  had 
ample  power,  as  duke,  to  decide  upon  the  in- 
vasion and  to  undertake  it.  He  could  also, 
without  much  difficulty,  raise  the  necessary 
number  of  men ;  for  every  baron  in  his  realm 
was  bound,  by  the  feudal  conditions  on  which 
he  held  his  land,  to  furnish  his  quota  of  men 
for  any  military  enterprise  in  which  his  sover- 
eign might  see  fit  to  engage.  But  for  so  dis- 
tant  and  vast  an  undertaking  as  this,  William 
needed  a  much  larger  supply  of  funds  than 
were  usually  required  in  the  wars  of  those  days. 
For  raising  such  large  supplies,  the  political  in- 
stitutions of  the  Middle  Ages  had  not  made  any 
adequate  provision.  Governments  then  had  no 
power  of  taxation,  like  that  so  freely  exercised 
in  modern  times ;  and  even  now,  taxes  in 
France  and  England  take  the  form  of  grants 
from  the  people  to  the  kings.  And  as  to  the 
contrivance,  so  exceedingly  ingenious,  by  which 


A.D.1066.]  The  Preparations.  173 

Means  of  raising  money.  Adverse  views. 

inexhaustible  resources  are  opened  to  govern- 
ments at  the  present  day — that  is,  the  plan  of 
borrowing  the  money,  and  leaving  posterity  to 
pay  or  repudiate  the  debt,  as  they  please,  no 
minister  of  finance  had,  in  William's  day,  been 
brilliant  enough  to  discover  it.  Thus  each 
ruler  had  to  rely,  then,  mainly  on  the  rents  and 
income  from  his  own  lands,  and  other  private 
resources,  for  the  comparatively  small  amount 
of  money  that  he  needed  in  his  brief  campaigns. 
But  now  William  perceived  that  ships  must  be 
built  and  equipped,  and  great  stores  of  provisions 
accumulated,  and  arms  and  munitions  of  war 
provided,  all  which  would  require  a  considera- 
ble outlay ;  and  how  was  this  money  to  be  ob- 
tained ? 

The  general  assembly  which  he  convened 
were  greatly  distracted  by  the  discussion  of  the 
question.  The  quiet  and  peaceful  citizens  who 
inhabited  the  towns,  the  artisans  and  trades- 
men, who  wished  for  nothing  but  to  be  allowed 
to  go  on  in  their  industrial  pursuits  in  peace, 
were  opposed  to  the  whole  project.  They 
thought  it  unreasonable  and  absurd  that  they 
should  be  required  to  contribute  from  their  earn- 
ings to  enable  their  lord  and  master  to  go  off  on 
so  distant  and  desperate  an  undertaking,  from 


174      William  the   Conqueror. 

which,  even  if  successful,  they  could  derive  no 
benefit  whatever.  Many  of  the  barons,  too, 
were  opposed  to  the  scheme.  They  thonght  it 
very  likely  to  end  in  disaster  and  defeat;  and 
they  denied  that  their  feudal  obligation  to  fur- 
nish men  for  their  sovereign's  wars  was  binding 
to  the  extent  of  requiring  them  to  go  out  of  the 
country,  and  beyond  the  sea.  to  prosecute  his 
claims  to  the  throne  of  another  kingdom. 

Others,  on  the  other  hand,  among  the  mem- 
bers of  William's  assembly,  were  strongly  dis- 
posed to  favor  the  plan.  They  were  more  ar- 
dent or  more  courageous  than  the  rest,  or  per- 
haps their  position  and  circumstances  were 
such  that  they  had  more  to  hope  from  the  suc- 
cess of  the  enterprise  than  they,  or  less  to  fear 
from  its  failure.  Thus  there  was  great  divers- 
ity of  opinion :  and  as  the  parliamentary  system 
of  rules,  by  which  a  body  of  turbulent  men.  in 
modern  times,  are  kept  in  some  semblance  of 
organization  and  order  during  a  debate,  had  not 
then  been  developed,  the  meeting  of  these  Nor- 
man deliberators  was.  for  a  time,  a  scene  of  up- 
roar and  confusion.  The  members  gathered  in 
groups,  each  speaker  getting  around  him  as 
many  as  he  could  obtain  to  listen  to  his  ha- 
rangue ;  the  more  quiet  and  passive  portion  of 


AJ).  1066.]  The  Preparations.  175 


?:il 


the  assembly  moving  to  and  fro.  from  group  to 
group,  as  they  were  attracted  by  the  earnest- 
ness and  eloquence  of  the  different  speakers,  or 
by  their  approval  of  the  sentiments  which  they 
heard  them  expressing.  The  scene,  in  fact, 
was  like  that  presented  in  exciting  times  by  a 
political  caucus  in  America,  before  it  is  called 
I    .  1 2er  by  the  chairman. 

Fitzosborne,  the  confidential  friend  and  coun- 
selor, who  has  already  been  mentioned  as  the 
one  who  ventured  to  accost  the  duke  at  the 
time  when  the  tidings  of  Edward's  death  and 
of  Harold's  accession  first  reached  him,  now 
seeing  that  any  thing  like  definite  and  harmo- 
nious action  on  the  part  of  this  tumultuous  as- 
sembly was  out  of  the  question,  went  to  the 
duke,  and  proposed  to  him  to  give  up  the  as- 
sembly as  such,  and  make  the  best  terms  and 
arrangements  that  he  could  with  the  constitu- 
ent elements  of  it,  individually  and  severally. 
He  would  himself,  he  said,  furnish  forty  ships. 
manned,  equipped,  and  provisioned ;  and  he  rec- 
ommended to  the  duke  to  call  each  of  the  others 
into  his  presence,  and  ask  them  what  they  were 
individually  willing  to  do.  The  duke  adopted 
this  plan,  and  it  was  wonderfully  successful. 
Those  who  were  first  invited  made  large  offers. 


176      William  the  Conqueror. 

Success  of  Fitzosborne's  plan.  Supplies  flow  in  liberally. 

and  their  offers  were  immediately  registered  in 
form  by  the  proper  officers.  Each  one  who  fol- 
lowed was  emulous  of  the  example  of  those  who 
had  preceded  him,  and  desirous  of  evincing  as 
much  zeal  and  generosity  as  they.  Then,  he- 
sides,  the  duke  received  these  vassals  with  so 
much  condescension  and  urbanity,  and  treated 
them  with  so  much  consideration  and  respect, 
as  greatly  to  flatter  their  vanity,  and  raise  them 
in  their  own  estimation,  by  exalting  their  ideas 
of  the  importance  of  the  services  which  they 
could  render  in  carrying  so  vast  an  enterprise 
to  a  successful  result.  In  a  word,  the  tide  turn- 
ed like  a  flood  in  favor  of  granting  liberal  sup- 
plies. The  nobles  and  knights  promised  freely 
men,  money,  ships,  arms,  provisions  —  every 
thing,  in  short,  that  was  required ;  and  when 
the  work  of  receiving  and  registering  the  offers 
was  completed,  and  the  officers  summed  up  the 
aggregate  amount,  William  found,  to  his  ex- 
treme satisfaction,  that  his  wants  were  abun- 
dantly supplied. 

There  was  another  very  important  point, 
which  "William  adopted  immediate  measures  to 
secure,  and  that  was  obtaining  the  Pope V  ap- 
proval of  his  intended  expedition.  The  moral 
influence  of  having  the  Roman  pontiff  on  his 


A.D.  1066.]   The   Preparations.  177 

Embassage  to  the  pope.  Its  success. 

side,  would,  he  knew,  be  of  incalculable  advant- 
age to  him.  He  sent  an  embassage,  according- 
ly, to  Rome,  to  lay  the  whole  subject  before  his 
holiness,  and  to  pray  that  the  pope  would  de- 
clare that  he  was  justly  entitled  to  the  English 
crown,  and  authorize  him  to  proceed  and  take 
possession  of  it  by  force  of  arms.  Lanfranc  was 
the  messenger  whom  he  employed — the  same 
Lanfranc  who  had  been  so  successful,  some 
years  before,  in  the  negotiations  at  Rome  con- 
nected with  the  confirmation  of  William  and 
Matilda's  marriage. 

Lanfranc  was  equally  successful  now.  The 
pope,  after  examining  William's  claims,  pro- 
nounced them  valid.  He  decided  that  William 
was  entitled  to  the  rank  and  honors  of  King  of 
England.  He  caused  a  formal  diploma  to  be 
made  out  to  this  effect.  The  diploma  was  ele- 
gantly executed,  signed  with  the  cross,  accord- 
ing to  the  pontifical  custom,  and  sealed  with  a 
round  leaden  seal.* 

It  was,  in  fact,  very  natural  that  the  Roman 
authorities  should  take  a  favorable  view  of  Will- 
iam's enterprise,  and  feel  an  interest  in  its  suc- 

*  The  Latin  name  for  such  a  seal  was  bulla.  It  is  on  ac- 
count of  this  sort  of  seal,  which  is  customarily  affixed  to 
them,  that  papal  edicts  have  received  the  name  of  bulls. 

M 


178      William  the  Conqueror. 

Reasons  why  the  pope  favored  William's  claims. 

cess,  as  it  was  undoubtedly  for  the  interest  of 
the  Church  that  "William,  rather  than  Harold, 
should  reign  over  England,  as  the  accession  of 
William  would  bring  the  English  realm  far 
more  fully  under  the  influence  of  the  Roman 
Church.  William  had  always  been  very  sub- 
missive to  the  pontifical  authority,  as  was  shown 
in  his  conduct  in  respect  to  the  question  of  his 
marriage.  He  himself,  and  also  Matilda  his 
wife,  had  always  taken  a  warm  interest  in  the 
welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  abbeys,  the  mon- 
asteries, the  churches,  and  the  other  religious 
establishments  of  the  times.  Then  the  very  cir- 
cumstance that  he  sent  his  embassador  to  Rome 
to  submit  his  claims  to  the  pontiff's  adjudica- 
tion, while  Harold  did  not  do  so,  indicated  a 
greater  deference  for  the  authority  of  the  Church, 
and  made  it  probable  that  he  would  be  a  far 
more  obedient  and  submissive  son  of  the  Church, 
in  his  manner  of  ruling  his  realm,  if  he  should 
succeed  in  gaining  possession  of  it,  than  Har- 
old his  rival.  The  pope  and  his  counselors  at 
Rome  thought  it  proper  to  take  all  these  things 
into  the  account  in  deciding  between  William 
and  Harold,  as  they  honestly  believed,  without 
doubt,  that  it  was  their  first  and  highest  duty  to 
exalt  and  aggrandize,  by  every  possible  means, 


A.D.1066.]   The  Preparations.  179 

The  banner  and  the  ring.  Excitement  produced  by  their  reception. 

the  spiritual  authority  of  the  sacred  institution 
over  which  they  were  called  to  preside. 

The  pope  and  his  cardinals,  accordingly,  es- 
poused William's  cause  very  warmly.  In  ad- 
dition to  the  diploma  which  gave  William  for- 
mal authority  to  take  possession  of  the  English 
crown,  the  pope  sent  him  a  banner  and  a  ring. 
The  banner  was  of  costly  and  elegant  workman- 
ship ;  its  value,  however,  did  not  consist  in  its 
elegance  or  its  cost,  but  in  a  solemn  benediction 
which  his  holiness  pronounced  over  it,  by  which 
it  was  rendered  sacred  and  inviolable.  The 
banner,  thus  blessed,  was  forwarded  to  William 
by  Lanfranc  with  great  care. 

It  was  accompanied  by  the  ring.  The  ring 
was  of  gold,  and  it  contained  a  diamond  of  great 
value.  The  gold  and  the  diamond  both,  how- 
ever, served  only  as  settings  to  preserve  and 
honor  something  of  far  greater  value  than  they. 
This  choice  treasure  was  a  hair  from  the  head 
of  the  Apostle  Peter !  a  sacred  relic  of  miracu- 
lous virtue  and  of  inestimable  value. 

When  the  edict  with  its  leaden  seal,  and  the 
banner  and  the  ring  arrived  in  Normandy,  they 
produced  a  great  and  universal  excitement.  To 
have  bestowed  upon  the  enterprise  thus  emphat- 
ically the  solemn  sanction  of  the  great  spiritual 


180      William  the  Conqueror. 

William's  proclamations.  Their  effects. 

head  of  the  Church,  to  whom  the  great  mass  of 
the  people  looked  up  with  an  awe  and  a  rever- 
ence almost  divine,  was  to  seal  indissolubly  the 
rightfulness  of  the  enterprise,  and  to  insure  its 
success.  There  was  thenceforward  no  difficulty 
in  procuring  men  or  means.  Every  body  was 
eager  to  share  in  the  glory,  and  to  obtain  the 
rewards,  of  an  enterprise  thus  commended  by 
an  authority  duly  commissioned  to  express,  in 
all  such  cases,  the  judgment  of  Heaven. 

Finding  that  the  current  was  thus  fairly  set- 
ting in  his  favor,  William  sent  proclamations 
into  all  the  countries  surrounding  Normandy, 
inviting  knights,  and  soldiers,  and  adventurers 
of  every  degree  to  join  him  in  his  projected  en- 
terprise. These  proclamations  awakened  uni- 
versal attention.  Great  numbers  of  adventur- 
ous men  determined  to  enter  William's  service. 
Horses,  arms,  and  accoutrements  were  every 
wThere  in  great  demand.  The  invasion  of  En- 
gland and  the  question  of  joining  it  were  the 
universal  topics  of  conversation.  The  roads 
were  covered  with  knights  and  soldiers,  some 
on  horseback  and  alone,  others  in  bands,  large 
or  small,  all  proceeding  to  Normandy  to  tender 
their  services.  William  received  them  all,  and 
made  liberal  promises  to  bestow  rewards  and 


AJ).  1066.]   The  Preparations.  181 

"William's  promises.  Naval  preparations. 

honors  upon  them  in  England,  in  the  event  of 
his  success.  To  some  he  offered  pay  in  money  ; 
to  others,  "booty ;  to  others,  office  and  power. 
Every  one  had  his  price.  Even  the  priests  and 
dignitaries  of  the  Church  shared  the  general 
enthusiasm.  One  of  them  furnished  a  ship  and 
twenty  armed  men,  under  an  agreement  to  "be 
appointed  bishop  of  a  certain  valuable  English 
diocese  when  "William  should  be  established  on 
his  throne. 

While  all  these  movements  were  going  on  in 
the  interior  of  the  country,  all  the  sea-ports  and 
towns  along  the  coast  of  Normandy  presented  a 
very  busy  scene  of  naval  preparation.  Naval 
architects  were  employed  in  great  numbers  in 
building  and  fitting  out  vessels.  Some  were 
constructed  and  furnished  for  the  transportation 
of  men,  others  for  conveying  provisions  and  mu- 
nitions of  war ;  and  lighters  and  boats  were 
built  for  ascending  the  rivers,  and  for  aiding  in 
landing  troops  upon  shelving  shores.  Smiths 
and  armorers  were  occupied  incessantly  in  man- 
ufacturing spears,  and  swords,  and  coats  of  mail ; 
while  vast  numbers  of  laboring  men  and  beasts 
of  burden  were  employed  in  conveying  arms 
and  materials  to  and  from  the  manufactories 
to  the  ships,  and  from  one  point  of  embarka- 
tion to  another. 


182       William  the  Conqueror. 

Philip,  king  of  France.  William's  visit  to  him. 

As  soon  as  "William  had  put  all  these  busy 
agencies  thus  in  successful  operation,  he  con- 
sidered that  there  was  one  more  point  which  it 
was  necessary  for  him  to  secure  before  finally 
embarking,  and  that  was  the  co-operation  and 
aid  of  the  French  king,  whose  name  at  this  time 
was  Philip.  In  his  character  of  Duke  of  Nor- 
mandy the  King  of  France  was  his  liege  lord, 
and  he  was  bound  to  act,  in  some  degree,  under 
an  acknowledgment  of  his  superior  authority. 
In  his  new  capacity,  that  is,  as  King  of  En- 
gland, or,  rather,  as  heir  to  the  English  kingdom, 
he  was,  of  course,  wTholly  independent  of  Philip, 
and,  consequently,  not  bound  by  any  feudal  ob- 
ligation to  look  to  him  at  all.  He  thought  it 
most  prudent,  however,  to  attempt,  at  least,  to 
conciliate  Philip's  favor,  and,  accordingly,  leav- 
ing his  officers  and  his  workmen  to  go  on  with 
the  work  of  organizing  his  army  and  of  build- 
ing and  equipping  the  fleet,  he  set  off,  himself, 
on  an  expedition  to  the  court  of  the  French 
king.  He  thought  it  safer  to  undertake  this 
delicate  mission  himself,  rather  than  to  intrust 
it  to  an  embassador  or  deputy. 

He  found  Philip  at  his  palace  of  St.  Grer- 
main's,  which  was  situated  at  a  short  distance 
from  Paris.     The  duke  assumed,  in  his  inter- 


A.D.1066.]  The  Preparations.  183 

William's  interview  with  Philip.  Philip  opposes  his  plans. 

view  with  the  king,  a  very  respectful  and  def- 
erential air  and  manner.  Philip  was  a  very 
young  man,  though  haughty  and  vain.  Will- 
iam was  very  much  his  superior,  not  only  in 
age  and  experience,  but  in  talents  and  charac- 
ter, and  in  personal  renown.  Still,  he  approach- 
ed the  monarch  with  all  the  respectful  observ- 
ance due  from  a  vassal  to  his  sovereign,  made 
known  his  plans,  and  asked  for  Philip's  appro- 
bation and  aid.  He  was  willing,  he  said,  in 
case  that  aid  was  afforded  him,  to  hold  his  king- 
dom of  England,  as  he  had  done  the  duchy 
of  Normandy,  as  a  dependency  of  the  French 
crown. 

Philip  seemed  not  at  all  disposed  to  look  upon 
the  project  with  favor.  He  asked  "William  who 
was  going  to  take  care  of  his  duchy  while  he 
was  running  off  after  a  kingdom.  William  re- 
plied, at  first,  that  that  was  a  subject  which  he 
did  not  think  his  neighbors  need  concern  them- 
selves  about.  Then  thinking,  on  reflection, 
that  a  more  respectful  answer  would  be  more 
politic,  under  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  he 
added,  that  he  was  providentially  blessed  with 
a  prudent  wife  and  loving  subjects,  and  that  he 
thought  he  might  safely  leave  his  domestic  af- 
fairs  in   their  hands   until  he  should  return. 


184      William  the  Conqueror. 

Council  of  nobles.  Result  of  their  deliberations. 

Philip  still  opposed  the  plan.  It  was  Quixotic, 
he  said,  and  dangerous.  He  strongly  advised 
"William  to  abandon  the  scheme,  and  be  content 
with  his  present  possessions.  Such  desperate 
schemes  of  ambition  as  those  he  was  contem- 
plating would  only  involve  him  in  ruin. 

Before  absolutely  deciding  the  case,  however, 
Philip  called  a  council  of  his  great  nobles  and 
officers  of  state,  and  laid  William's  proposals 
before  them.  The  result  of  their  deliberations 
was  to  confirm  Philip  in  his  first  decision.  They 
said  that  the  rendering  to  William  the  aid 
which  he  desired  would  involve  great  expense, 
and  be  attended  with  great  danger ;  and  as  to 
William's  promises  to  hold  England  as  a  vassal 
of  the  King  of  France,  they  had  no  faith  in  the 
performance  of  them.  It  had  been  very  diffi- 
cult, they  said,  for  many  years,  for  the  kings  of 
France  to  maintain  any  effectual  authority  over 
the  dukes  of  Normandy,  and  when  once  master 
of  so  distant  and  powerful  a  realm  as  England, 
all  control  over  them  would  be  sundered  forever. 

Philip  then  gave  William  his  final  answer  hi 
accordance  with  these  counsels.  The  answer 
was  received,  on  William's  part,  with  strong  feel- 
ings of  disappointment  and  displeasure.  Philip 
conducted  the  duke  to  his  retinue  when  the 


A.D.1066.]  The  Preparations.  185 

William's  return.  Final  preparations. 

hour  of  departure  arrived,  in  order  to  soothe,  as 
far  as  possible,  his  irritated  feelings,  by  dismiss- 
ing him  from  his  court  with  marks  of  his  honor- 
able consideration  and  regard.  William,  how- 
ever, was  not  in  a  mood  to  be  pleased.  He  told 
Philip,  on  taking  leave  of  him,  that  he  was 
losing  the  most  powerful  vassal  that  any  lord 
sovereign  ever  had,  by  the  course  which  he  had 
decided  to  pursue.  "  I  would  have  held  the 
whole  realm  of  England  as  a  part  of  your  do- 
minions, acknowledging  you  as  sovereign  over 
all,  if  you  had  consented  to  render  me  your  aid, 
but  I  will  not  do  it  since  you  refuse.  I  shall 
feel  bound  to  repay  only  those  who  assist  me." 
"William  returned  to  Normandy,  where  all 
the  preparations  for  the  expedition  had  been 
going  on  with  great  vigor  during  his  absence, 
and  proceeded  to  make  arrangements  for  the 
last  great  measure  which  it  was  necessary  to 
take  previous  to  his  departure ;  that  was,  the 
regular  constitution  of  a  government  to  rule  in 
Normandy  while  he  should  be  gone.  He  de- 
termined to  leave  the  supreme  power  in  the 
hands  of  his  wife  Matilda,  appointing,  at  the 
same  time,  a  number  of  civil  and  military  offi- 
cers as  a  council  of  regency,  who  were  to  assist 
her  in  her  deliberations  by  giving  her  informa- 


186      William  the  Conqueror. 

Matilda  made  duchess  regent.  William's  motives. 

tion  and  advice,  and  to  manage,  under  her  di- 
rection, the  different  departments  of  the  govern- 
ment. Her  title  was  "  Duchess  Regent,"  and 
she  was  installed  into  her  office  in  a  public  and 
solemn  manner,  at  a  great  assembly  of  the  es- 
tates of  the  realm.  At  the  close  of  the  cere- 
monies, after  "William  had  given  Matilda  his 
charge,  he  closed  his  address  by  adding,  "  And 
do  not  let  us  fail  to  enjoy  the  benefit  of  your 
prayers,  and  those  of  all  the  ladies  of  your  court, 
that  the  blessing  of  Grod  may  attend  us,  and 
secure  the  success  of  our  expedition." 

We  are  not  necessarily  to  suppose,  as  we 
might  at  first  be  strongly  inclined  to  do,  that 
there  was  any  special  hypocrisy  and  pretense 
in  William's  thus  professing  to  rely  on  the  pro- 
tection of  Heaven  in  the  personal  and  political 
dangers  which  he  was  about  to  incur.  It  is 
probable  that  he  honestly  believed  that  the  in- 
heritance of  the  English  crown  w7as  his  right, 
and,  that  being  the  case,  that  a  vigorous  and 
manly  effort  to  enforce  his  right  was  a  solemn 
duty.  In  the  present  age  of  the  world,  now 
that  there  are  so  many  countries  in  which  in- 
telligence, industry,  and  love  of  order  are  so  ex- 
tensively diffused  that  the  mass  of  the  communi- 
ty are  capable  of  organizing  and  administering 


A.D.  1066.]  The  Preparations.  187 

Republican  sentiments.  Hereditary  sovereigns. 

a  government  themselves,  republicans  are  apt 
to  look  upon  hereditary  sovereigns  as  despots, 
ruling  only  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  their 
own  aggrandizement,  and  the  ends  of  an  un- 
holy and  selfish  ambition.  That  there  have 
been  a  great  many  such  despots  no  one  can 
deny ;  but  then,  on  the  other  hand,  there  have 
heeu.  many  others  who  have  acted,  in  a  greater 
or  less  degree,  under  the  influence  of  principles 
of  duty  in  their  political  career.  They  have 
honestly  believed  that  the  vast  power  with 
which,  in  coming  forward  into  life,  they  have 
found  themselves  invested,  without,  in  most 
cases,  any  agency  of  their  own,  was  a  trust  im- 
posed upon  them  by  divine  Providence,  which 
could  not  innocently  be  laid  aside ;  that  on  them 
devolved  the  protection  of  the  communities  over 
which  they  ruled  from  external  hostility,  and 
the  preservation  of  peace  and  order  within,  and 
the  promotion  of  the  general  industry  and  wel- 
fare, as  an  imperious  and  solemn  duty ;  and 
they  have  devoted  their  lives  to  the  performance 
of  this  duty,  with  the  usual  mixture,  it  is  true, 
of  ambition  and  selfishness,  but  still,  after  all, 
with  as  much  conscientiousness  and  honesty  as 
the  mass  of  men  in  the  humbler  walks  of  life 
evince  in  performing  theirs.     "William  of  Nor- 


188       William  the  Conqueror. 

Enthusiasm  of  the  people.  The  two-tailed  comet. 

mandy  appears  to  have  been  one  of  this  latter 
class ;  and  in  obeying  the  dictates  of  his  ambi- 
tion in  seeking  to  gain  possession  of  the  English 
crown,  he  no  doubt  considered  himself  as  fulfill- 
ing the  obligations  of  duty  too. 

However  this  may  be,  he  went  on  with  his 
preparations  in  the  most  vigorous  and  prosper- 
ous manner.  The  whole  country  were  enthusi- 
astic in  the  cause ;  and  their  belief  that  the 
enterprise  about  to  be  undertaken  had  unques- 
tionably secured  the  favor  of  Heaven,  was  con- 
firmed by  an  extraordinary  phenomenon  which 
occurred  just  before  the  armament  was  ready 
to  set  sail.  A  comet  appeared  in  the  sky, 
which,  as  close  observers  declared,  had  a  double 
tail.  It  was  universally  agreed  that  this  por- 
tended that  England  and  Normandy  were  about 
to  be  combined,  and  to  form  a  double  kingdom, 
which  should  exhibit  to  all  mankind  a  wonder- 
ful spectacle  of  splendor. 


A.D.  1066.]  Crossing  the  Channel.   189 


The  River  Dive. 


Map. 


Chapter  IX. 
Crossing  the  Channel. 

THE  place  for  the  final  assembling  of  the 
fleet  which  was  to  convey  the  expedition 
across  the  Channel  was  the  mouth  of  a  small 
river  called  the  Dive,  which  will  be  seen  upon 
the  following  map,  flowing  from  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  castle  of  Falaise  northward  into  the 


Normandy. 


190      William  the  Conqueror. 

Final  assembling  of  the  fleet.  Brilliant  and  magnificent  scene, 

sea.  The  grand  gathering  took  place  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  month  of  September,  in  the  year 
1066.  This  date,  which  marks  the  era  of  the 
Norman  Conquest,  is  one  of  the  dates  which 
students  of  history  fix  indelibly  in  the  memory. 

The  gathering  of  the  fleet  in  the  estuary  of 
the  Dive,  and  the  assembling  of  the  troops  on 
the  beach  along  its  shores,  formed  a  very  grand 
and  imposing  spectacle.  The  fleets  of  galleys, 
ships,  boats,  and  barges  covering  the  surface  of 
the  water — the  long  lines  of  tents  under  the 
cliffs  on  the  land  —  the  horsemen,  splendidly 
mounted,  and  glittering  with  steel — the  groups 
of  soldiers,  all  busily  engaged  in  transporting 
provisions  and  stores  to  and  fro,  or  making  the 
preliminary  arrangements  for  the  embarkation 
— the  thousands  of  spectators  who  came  and 
went  incessantly, 'and  the  duke  himself,  gor- 
geously dressed,  and  mounted  on  his  war-horse7 
with  the  guards  and  officers  that  attended  him 
— these,  and  the  various  other  elements  of  mar- 
tial parade  and  display  usually  witnessed  on 
such  occasions,  conspired  to  produce  a  very  gay 
and  brilliant,  as  well  as  magnificent  scene. 

Of  course,  the  assembling  of  so  large  a  force 
of  men  and  of  vessels,  and  the  various  prepara- 
tions for  the  embarkation,  consumed  some  time, 


A.D.  1066.]  Crossing  the  Channel.  191 

Equinoctial  gales.  The  expedition  detained  by  them. 

and  when  at  length  all  was  ready — which  was 
early  in  September — the  equinoctial  gales  came 
on,  and  it  was  found  impossible  to  leave  the 
port.  There  was,  in  fact,  a  continuance  of 
heavy  winds  and  seas,  and  stormy  skies,  for  sev- 
eral weeks.  Short  intervals,  from  time  to  time, 
occurred,  when  the  clouds  would  break  away, 
and  the  sun  appear  ;  but  these  intervals  did  not 
liberate  the  fleet  from  its  confinement,  for  they 
were  not  long  enough  in  duration  to  allow  the 
sea  to  go  down.  The  surf  continued  to  come 
rolling  and  thundering  in  upon  the  shore,  and 
over  the  sand-bars  at  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
making  destruction  the  almost  inevitable  desti- 
ny of  any  ship  which  should  undertake  to  brave 
its  fury.  The  state  of  the  skies  gradually  rob- 
bed the  scene  of  the  gay  and  brilliant  colors 
which  first  it  wore.  The  vessels  furled  their 
sails,  and  drew  in  their  banners,  and  rode  at 
anchor,  presenting  their  heads  doggedly  to  the 
storm.  The  men  on  the  shore  sought  shelter 
in  their  tents.  The  spectators  retired  to  their 
homes,  while  the  duke  and  his  officers  watched 
the  scudding  clouds  in  the  sky,  day  after  day, 
with  great  and  increasing  anxiety. 

In  fact,  "William  had  very  serious  cause  for 
apprehension  in  respect  to  the  effect  which  this 


192      William  the  Conqueror. 

Injurious  effects  of  the  storm.  Discouragement  of  the  men. 

long-continued  storm  was  to  have  on  the  suc- 
cess of  his  enterprise.  The  delay  was  a  very 
serious  consideration  in  itself,  for  the  winter 
would  soon  be  drawing  near.  In  one  month 
more  it  would  seem  to  be  out  of  the  question 
for  such  a  vast  armament  to  cross  the  Channel 
at  all.  Then,  when  men  are  embarking  in 
such  dark  and  hazardous  undertakings  as  that 
in  which  William  was  now  engaged,  their  spir- 
its and  their  energy  rise  and  sink  in  great  fluc- 
tuations, under  the  influence  of  very  slight  and 
inadequate  causes  ;  and  nothing  has  greater  in- 
fluence over  them  at  such  times  than  the  aspect 
of  the  skies.  William  found  that  the  ardor  and 
enthusiasm  of  his  army  were  fast  disappearing 
under  the  effects  of  chilling  winds  and  driving 
rain.  The  feelings  of  discontent  and  depression 
which  the  frowning  expression  of  the  heavens 
awakened  in  their  minds,  were  deepened  and 
spread  by  the  influence  of  sympathy.  The 
men  had  nothing  to  do,  during  the  long  and 
dreary  hours  of  the  day,  but  to  anticipate  hard- 
ships and  dangers,  and  to  entertain  one  another, 
as  they  watched  the  clouds  driving  along  the 
cliffs,  and  the  rolling  of  the  surges  in  the  offing, 
with  anticipations  of  shipwrecks,  battles,  and 
defeats,  and  all  the  other  gloomy  forebodings 


A.D.  1066.]  Crossing  the  Channel.  193 

Fears  and  forebodings.  Some  of  the  vessels  wrecked. 

which  haunt  the  imagination  of  a  discouraged 
and  discontented  soldier. 

Nor  were  these  ideas  of  wrecks  and  destruc- 
tion wholly  imaginary.  Although  the  hody  of 
the  fleet  remained  in  the  river,  where  it  was 
sheltered  from  the  winds,  yet  there  were  many 
cases  of  single  ships  that  were  from  time  to 
time  exposed  to  them.  These  were  detached 
vessels  coming  in  late  to  the  rendezvous,  or 
small  squadrons  sent  out  to  some  neighboring 
port  under  some  necessity  connected  with  the 
preparations,  or  strong  galleys,  whose  com- 
manders, more  bold  than  the  rest,  were  willing, 
in  cases  not  of  absolute  necessity,  to  brave  the 
danger.  Many  of  these  vessels  were  wrecked. 
The  fragments  of  them,  with  the  bodies  of  the 
drowned  mariners,  were  driven  to  the  shore. 
The  ghastly  spectacles  presented  by  these  dead 
bodies,  swollen  and  mangled,  and  half  buried 
in  the  sand,  as  if  the  sea  had  been  endeavoring 
to  hide  the  mischief  it  had  done,  shocked  and 
terrified  the  spectators  who  saw  them.  "Will- 
iam gave  orders  to  have  all  these  bodies  gath- 
ered up  and  interred  secretly,  as  fast  as  they 
were  found ;  still,  exaggerated  rumors  of  the 
number  and  magnitude  of  these  disasters  were 
circulated  in  the  camp,  and  the  discontent  and 
N 


194      William  the  Conqueror. 

Favorable  change.  The  fleet  puts  to  sea. 

apprehensions  grew  every  day  more  and  more 
alarming. 

"William  resolved  that  he  must  put  to  sea  at 
the  very  first  possible  opportunity.  The  favor- 
able occasion  was  not  long  wanting.  The  wind 
changed.  The  storm  appeared  to  cease.  A 
breeze  sprang  up  from  the  south,  which  headed 
back  the  surges  from  the  French  shore.  Will- 
iam gave  orders  to  embark.  The  tents  were 
struck.     The  bas^asre  of  the  soldiers  was  sent 

DO      O 

on  board  the  transport  vessels.  The  men  them- 
selves, crowded  into  great  flat-bottomed  boats, 
passed  in  masses  to  the  ships  from  the  shore. 
The  spectators  reappeared,  and  covered  the 
cliffs  and  promontories  near,  to  witness  the 
final  scene.  The  sails  were  hoisted,  and  the 
vast  armament  moved  out  upon  the  sea. 

The  appearance  of  a  favorable  change  in 
the  weather  proved  fallacious  after  all,  for  the 
clouds  and  storm  returned,  and  after  being  driv- 
en, in  apprehension  and  danger,  about  a  hund- 
red miles  to  the  northeast  along  the  coast,  the 
fleet  was  compelled  to  seek  refuge  again  in  a 
harbor.  The  port  which  received  them  was  St. 
Yalery,  near  Dieppe.  The  duke  was  greatly 
disappointed  at  being  obliged  thus  again  to  take 
the  land.     Still,  the  attempt  to  advance  had 


A.D.  1066.]  Crossing  the  Channel.  195 

Various  delays.  Its  effects. 

not  been  a  labor  wholly  lost ;  for  as  the  French 
coast  here  trends  to  the  northward,  they  had 
been  gradually  narrowing  the  channel  as  they 
proceeded,  and  were,  in  fact,  so  far  on  the  way 
toward  the  English  shores.  Then  there  were, 
besides,  some  reasons  for  touching  here,  before 
the  final  departure,  to  receive  some  last  re-en- 
forcements and  supplies.  "William  had  also  one 
more  opportunity  of  communicating  with  his 
capital  and  with  Matilda. 

These  delays,  disastrous  as  they  seemed  to 
be,  and  ominous  of  evil,  were  nevertheless  at- 
tended with  one  good  effect,  of  which,  however, 
William  at  the  time  was  not  aware.  They  led 
Harold,  in  England,  to  imagine  that  the  enter- 
prise was  abandoned,  and  so  put  him  off  his 
guard.  There  were  in  those  days,  as  has  al- 
ready been  remarked,  no  regular  and  public 
modes  of  intercommunication,  by  which  intelli- 
gence of  important  movements  and  events  was 
spread  every  where,  as  now,  with  promptness 
and  certainty.  Governments  were  obliged,  ac- 
cordingly, to  rely  for  information,  in  respect  to 
what  their  enemies  were  doing,  on  rumors,  or 
on  the  reports  of  spies.  Rumors  had  gone  to 
England  in  August  that  William  was  medita- 
ting  an  invasion,  and  Harold  had  made  some 


196      William  the  Conqueror. 

Harold's  want  of  information.  He  withdraws  his  troops. 

extensive  preparations  to  meet  and  oppose  him ; 
"but,  finding  that  he  did  not  come — that  week 
after  week  of  September  passed  away,  and  no 
signs  of  an  enemy  appeared,  and  gaining  no 
certain  information  of  the  causes  of  the  delay, 
he  concluded  that  the  enterprise  was  abandon- 
ed, or  else,  perhaps,  postponed  to  the  ensuing 
spring.  Accordingly,  as  the  winter  was  com- 
ing on,  he  deemed  it  best  to  commence  his  prep- 
arations for  sending  his  troops  to  their  winter 
quarters.  He  disbanded  some  of  them,  and 
sent  others  away,  distributing  them  in  various 
castles  and  fortified  towns,  where  they  would 
be  sheltered  from  the  rigors  of  the  season,  and 
saved  from  the  exposure  and  hardships  of  the 
camp,  and  yet,  at  the  same  time,  remain  with- 
in reach  of  a  summons  in  case  of  any  sudden 
emergency  which  might  call  for  them.  They 
were  soon  summoned,  though  not,  in  the  first 
instance,  to  meet  Harold,  as  will  presently  ap- 
pear. 

"While  adopting  these  measures,  however, 
which  he  thought  the  comfort  and  safety  of  his 
army  required,  Harold  did  not  relax  his  vigi- 
lance in  watching,  as  well  as  he  could,  the  de- 
signs and  movements  of  his  enemy.  He  kept 
his  secret  agents  on  the  southern  coast,  ordering 


A. D.  1066.]  Crossing  the  Channel.  197 

Harold's  vigilance.  He  sends  spies  into  Normandy. 

them  to  observe  closely  every  thing  that  trans- 
pired, and  to  gather  and  send  to  him  every  item 
of  intelligence  which  should  find  its  way  by  any 
means  across  the  Channel.  Of  course,  Will- 
iam would  do  all  in  his  power  to  intercept  and 
cut  off  all  communication,  and  he  was,  at  this 
time,  very  much  aided  in  these  efforts  by  the 
prevalence  of  the  storms,  which  made  it  almost 
impossible  for  the  fishing  and  trading  vessels 
of  the  coast  to  venture  out  to  sea,  or  attempt 
to  cross  the  Channel.  The  agents  of  Harold, 
therefore,  on  the  southern  coast  of  England, 
found  that  they  could  obtain  but  very  little  in- 
formation. 

At  length  the  king,  unwilling  to  remain  any 
longer  so  entirely  in  the  dark,  resolved  on  send- 
ing some  messengers  across  the  sea  into  Nor- 
mandy itself,  to  learn  positively  what  the  true 
state  of  the  case  might  be.  Messengers  going 
thus  secretly  into  the  enemy's  territory,  or  into 
the  enemy's  camp,  become,  by  so  doing,  in  mar- 
tial law,  spies,  and  incur,  if  they  are  taken,  the 
penalty  of  death.  The  undertaking,  therefore, 
is  extremely  hazardous  ;  and  as  the  death  which 
is  inflicted  in  cases  of  detection  is  an  ignomin- 
ious one  —  spies  being  hung,  not  shot  —  most 
men  are  very  averse  to  encountering  the  dan- 


198      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Harold's  spies.  They  are  detected, 

ger.  Still,  desperate  characters  are  always  to 
be  found  in  camps  and  armies,  who  are  ready 
to  undertake  it  on  being  promised  very  extraor- 
dinary pay. 

Harold's  spies  contrived  to  make  their  way 
across  the  Channel,  probably  at  some  point  far 
to  the  east  of  Normandy,  where  the  passage  is 
narrow.  They  then  came  along  the  shore,  dis- 
guised as  peasants  of  the  country,  and  they  ar- 
rived at  St.  Valery  while  "William's  fleets  were 
there.  Here  they  began  to  make  their  observa- 
tions, scrutinizing  every  thing  with  close  atten- 
tion and  care,  and  yet  studiously  endeavoring 
to  conceal  their  interest  in  what  they  saw. 
Notwithstanding  all  their  vigilance,  however, 
they  were  discovered,  proved  to  be  spies,  and 
taken  before  William  to  receive  their  sentence. 

Instead  of  condemning  them  to  death,  which 
they  undoubtedly  supposed  would  be  their  inev- 
itable fate,  "William  ordered  them  to  be  set  at 
liberty.  "  Go  back,"  said  he,  "  to  King  Har- 
old, and  tell  him  he  might  have  saved  himself 
the  expense  of  sending  spies  into  Normandy  to 
learn  what  I  am  preparing  for  him.  He  will 
soon  know  by  other  means — much  sooner,  in 
fact,  than  he  imagines.  Go  and  tell  him  from 
me  that  he  may  put  himself,  if  he  pleases,  in 


A.D.  1066.]  Crossing  the  Channel.  199 

William  dismisses  the  spies.  His  confidence  in  his  cause. 

the  safest  place  he  can  find  in  all  his  dominions, 
and  if  he  does  not  find  my  hand  upon  him  be- 
fore the  year  is  out,  he  never  need  fear  me  again 
as  long  as  he  lives." 

Nor  was  this  expression  of  confidence  in  the 
success  of  the  measures  which  he  was  takinsr 

o 

a  mere  empty  boast.  William  knew  the  pow- 
er of  Harold,  and  he  knew  his  own.  The  en- 
terprise in  which  he  had  embarked  was  not  a 
rash  adventure.  It  was  a  cool,  deliberate,  well- 
considered  plan.  It  appeared  doubtful  and  dan- 
gerous in  the  eyes  of  mankind,  for  to  mere  su- 
perficial observers  it  seemed  simply  an  aggress- 
ive war  waged  by  a  duke  of  Normandy,  the 
ruler  of  a  comparatively  small  and  insignificant 
province,  against  a  king  of  England,  the  mon- 
arch of  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  powerful 
realms  in  the  world.  "William,  on  the  other 
hand,  regarded  it  as  an  effort  on  the  part  of  the 
rightful  heir  to  a  throne  to  dispossess  a  usurper. 
He  felt  confident  of  having  the  sympathy  and 
co-operation  of  a  great  part  of  the  community, 
even  in  England,  the  moment  he  could  show 
them  that  he  was  able  to  maintain  his  rights ; 
and  that  he  could  show  them  that,  by  a  very 
decisive  demonstration,  was  evident,  visibly,  be- 
fore him,  in  the  vast  fleet  which  was  riding  at 


200      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Fears  of  William's  officers.  He  reassures  them. 

anchor  in  the  harbor,  and  in  the  long  lines  of 
tents,  filled  with  soldiery,  which  covered  the 
land. 

On  one  occasion,  when  some  of  his  officers 
were  expressing  apprehensions  of  Harold's  pow- 
er, and  their  fears  in  respect  to  their  being  able 
successfully  to  cope  with  it,  William  replied, 
that  the  more  formidable  Harold's  power  should 
prove  to  be,  the  better  he  should  be  pleased,  as 
the  glory  would  be  all  the  greater  for  them  in 
having  overcome  it.  "I  have  no  objection," 
said  he,  "that  you  should  entertain  exalted 
ideas  of  his  strength,  though  I  wonder  a  little 
that  you  do  not  better  appreciate  our  own.  I 
need  be  under  no  concern  lest  he,  at  such  a  dis- 
tance, should  learn  too  much,  by  his  spies,  about 
the  force  which  I  am  bringing  against  him, 
when  you,  who  are  so  near  me,  seem  to  know 
so  little  about  it.  But  do  not  give  yourselves 
any  concern.  Trust  to  the  justice  of  your 
caus#  and  to  my  foresight.  Perform  your  parts 
like  men,  and  you  will  find  that  the  result 
which  I  feel  sure  of,  and  you  hope  for,  will  cer- 
tainly be  attained." 

The  storm  at  length  entirely  cleared  away, 
and  the  army  and  the  fleet  commenced  their 
preparations  for  the  final  departure.      In  the 


A.D.  1066.]  Crossing  the  Channel.  201 

Arrival  of  Matilda  with  the  Mira.  A  present  to  William. 

midst  of  this  closing  scene,  the  attention  of  all 
the  vast  crowds  assembled  on  "board  the  ships 
and  on  the  shores  was  one  morning  attracted 
by  a  beautiful  ship  which  came  sailing  into  the 
harbor.  It  proved  to  be  a  large  and  splendid 
vessel  which  the  Duchess  Matilda  had  built,  at 
her  own  expense,  and  was  now  bringing  in,  to 
offer  to  Tier  husband  as  her  parting  gift.  She 
was  herself  on  board,  with  her  officers  and  at- 
tendants, having  come  to  witness  her  husband's 
departure,  and  to  bid  him  farewell.  Her  arri- 
val, of  course,  under  such  circumstances,  pro- 
duced universal  excitement  and  enthusiasm. 
The  ships  in  harbor  and  the  shores  resounded 
with  acclamations  as  the  new  arrival  came  gal- 
lantly, in. 

Matilda's  vessel  was  finely  built  and  splen- 
didly decorated.  The  sails  were  of  different 
colors,  which  gave  it  a  very  gay  appearance. 
"Upon  them  were  painted,  in  various  places,  the 
three  lions,  which  was  the  device  of  the  Nor- 
man ensign.  At  the  bows  of  the  ship  wras  an 
effigy,  or  figure-head,  representing  William  and 
Matilda's  second  son  shooting  with  a  bow.  This 
was  the  accomplishment  which,  of  all  others, 
his  father  took  most  interest  in  seeing  his  little 
son  acquire.     The  arrow  was  drawn  nearly  to 


202      William  the  Conqueror. 

The  squadron  puts  to  sea  again.  Its  appearance. 

its  head,  indicating  great  strength  in  the  little 
arms  which  were  guiding  it,  and  it  was  just 
ready  to  fly.  The  name  of  this  vessel  was  the 
Mira.  William  made  it  his  flag  ship.  He  hoist- 
ed upon  its  mast  head  the  consecrated  banner 
which  had  been  sent  to  him  from  Rome,  and 
went  on  board  accompanied  by  his  officers  and 
guards,  and  with  great  ceremony  and  parade. 

At  length  the  squadron  was  ready  to  put  to 
sea.  At  a  given  signal  the  sails  were  hoisted, 
and  the  whole  fleet  began  to  move  slowly  out 
of  the  harbor.  There  were  four  hundred  ships 
of  large  size,  if  we  may  believe  the  chronicles 
of  the  times,  and  more  than  a  thousand  trans- 
ports. The  decks  of  all  these  vessels  were  cov- 
ered with  men ;  banners  were  streaming  from 
every  mast  and  spar ;  and  every  salient  point 
of  the  shore  was  crowded  with  spectators.  The 
sea  was  calm,  the  air  serene,  and  the  mighty 
cloud  of  canvas  which  whitened  the  surface  of 
the  water  moved  slowly  on  over  the  gentle  swell 
of  the  waves,  forming  a  spectacle  which,  as  a 
picture  merely  for  the  eye,  was  magnificent  and 
grand,  and,  when  regarded  in  connection  with 
the  vast  results  to  the  human  race  which  were 
to  flow  from  the  success  of  the  enterprise,  must 
have  been  considered  sublime. 


A.D.  1066.]  Crossing  the  Channel.  203 

Fleetness  of  the  Mira.  Leaves  the  fleet  out  of  sight. 

The  splendidly  decorated  ship  which  Matilda 
had  presented  to  her  husband  proved  itself,  on 
trial,  to  be  something  more  than  a  mere  toy. 
It  led  the  van  at  the  commencement,  of  course  ; 
and  as  all  eyes  watched  its  progress,  it  soon  be- 
came evident  that  it  was  slowly  gaining  upon 
the  rest  of  the  squadron,  so  as  continually  to 
increase  its  distance  from  those  that  were  fol- 
lowing it.  "William,  pleased  with  the  success 
of  its  performance,  ordered  the  sailing  master 
to  keep  on,  without  regard  to  those  who  were 
behind ;  and  thus  it  happened  that,  when  night 
came  on,  the  fleet  was  at  very  considerable 
distance  in  rear  of  the  flag  ship.  Of  course, 
under  these  circumstances,  the  fleet  disappear- 
ed from  sight  when  the  sun  went  down,  but  all 
expected  that  it  would  come  into  view  again  in 
the  morning.  When  the  morning  came,  how- 
ever, to  the  surprise  and  disappointment  of  ev- 
ery one  on  board  the  flag  ship,  no  signs  of  the 
fleet  were  to  be  seen.  The  seamen,  and  the 
officers  on  the  deck,  gazed  long  and  intently 
into  the  southern  horizon  as  the  increasing  light 
of  the  morning  brought  it  gradually  into  view, 
but  there  was  not  a  speck  to  break  its  smooth 
and  even  line. 

They  felt  anxious  and  uneasy,  but  "William 


204      William  the  Conqueror. 

William's  unconcern.  Reappearance  of  the  fleet. 

seemed  to  experience  no  concern.  He  ordered 
the  sails  to  be  furled,  and  then  sent  a  man  to 
the  mast  head  to  look  out  there.  Nothing  was 
to  be  seen.  William,  still  apparently  uncon- 
cerned, ordered  breakfast  to  be  prepared  in  a 
very  sumptuous  manner,  loading  the  tables 
with  wine  and  other  delicacies,  that  the  minds 
of  all  on  board  might  be  cheered  by  the  exhila- 
rating influence  of  a  feast.  At  length  the  look- 
out was  sent  to  the  mast  head  again.  "  What 
do  you  see  now  ?"  said  William.  "  I  see,"  said 
the  man,  gazing  very  intently  all  the  while  to- 
ward the  south,  "  four  very  small  specks  just 
in  the  horizon."  The  intense  interest  which 
this  announcement  awakened  on  the  deck  was 
soon  at  the  same  time  heightened  and  relieved 
by  the  cry,  "  I  can  see  more  and  more — they 
are  the  ships — yes,  the  whole  squadron  is  com- 
ing into  view." 

The  advancing  fleet  soon  came  up  with  the 
Mira,  when  the  latter  spread  her  sails  again, 
and  all  moved  slowly  on  together  toward  the 
coast  of  England. 

The  ships  had  directed  their  course  so  much 
to  the  eastward,  that  when  they  made  the  land 
they  were  not  very  far  from  the  Straits  of  Do- 
ver.    As  they  drew  near  to  the  English  shore, 


A.D.  1066.]  Crossing  the  Channel.  205 

The  fleet  enters  the  Bay  of  Pevensey.  Disembarkation. 

they  watched  very  narrowly  for  the  appearance 
of  Harold's  cruisers,  which  they  naturally  ex- 
pected would  have  been  stationed  at  various 
points,  to  guard  the  coast ;  but  none  were  to  be 
seen.  There  had  been  such  cruisers,  and  there 
still  were  such  off  the  other  harbors ;  but  it 
happened,  very  fortunately  for  "William,  that 
those  which  had  been  stationed  to  guard  this 
part  of  the  island  had  been  withdrawn  a  few 
days  before,  on  account  of  their  provisions  be- 
ing exhausted.  Thus,  when  William's  fleet 
arrived,  there  was  no  enemy  to  oppose  their 
landing.  There  was  a  large  and  open  bay,  call- 
ed the  Bay  of  Pevensey,  which  lay  smiling  be- 
fore them,  extending  its  arms  as  if  inviting 
them  in.  The  fleet  advanced  to  within  the 
proper  distance  from  the  land,  and  there  the 
seamen  cast  their  anchors,  and  all  began  to 
prepare  for  the  work  of  disembarkation. 

A  strong  body  of  soldiery  is  of  course  landed 
first  on  such  occasions.  In  this  instance  the 
archers,  William's  favorite  corps,  were  selected 
to  take  the  lead.  William  accompanied  them. 
In  his  eagerness  to  get  to  the  shore,  as  he  leap- 
ed from  the  boat,  his  foot  slipped,  and  he  fell. 
The  officers  and  men  around  him  would  have 
considered  this  an  evil  omen ;  but  he  had  pres- 


206      William  the  Conqueror. 

Landing  of  the  troops.  Anecdote. 

ence  of  mind  enough  to  extend  his  arms  and 
grasp  the  ground,  pretending  that  his  prostra- 
tion was  designed,  and  saying  at  the  same  time, 
"  Thus  I  seize  this  land ;  from  this  moment  it 
is  mine."  As  he  arose,  one  of  his  officers  ran 
to  a  neighboring  hut  which  stood  near  by  upon 
the  shore,  and  breaking  off  a  little  of  the  thatch, 
carried  it  to  William,  and,  putting  it  into  his 
hand,  said  that  he  thus  gave  him  seizin  of  his 
new  possessions.  This  was  a  customary  form, 
in  those  times,  of  putting  a  new  owner  into  pos- 
session of  lands  which  he  had  purchased  or  ac- 
quired in  any  other  way.  The  new  proprietor 
would  repair  to  the  ground,  where  the  party 
whose  province  it  was  to  deliver  the  property 
would  detach  something  from  it,  such  as  a  piece 
of  turf  from  a  bank,  or  a  little  of  the  thatch 
from  a  cottage,  and  offering  it  to  him,  would 
say,  "  Thus  I  deliver  thee  seizin"  that  is,  pos- 
session, "  of  this  land."  This  ceremony  was 
necessary  to  complete  the  conveyance  of  the 
estate. 

The  soldiers,  as  soon  as  they  were  landed, 
began  immediately  to  form  an  encampment, 
and  to  make  such  military  arrangements  as 
were  necessary  to  guard  against  an  attack,  or 
the  sudden  appearance  of  an  enemy.     While 


A.D.  1066.]  Crossing  the  Channel.  207 

The  encampment.  Scouts  sent  out. 

this  was  going  on,  the  boats  continued  to  pass 
to  and  fro,  accomplishing,  as  fast  as  possible, 
the  work  of  disembarkation.  In  addition  to 
those  regularly  attached  to  the  army,  there  was 
a  vast  company  of  workmen  of  all  kinds,  engi- 
neers, pioneers,  carpenters,  masons,  and  labor- 
ers, to  be  landed  ;  and  there  were  three  towers, 
or  rather  forts,  built  of  timber,  which  had  been 
framed  and  fashioned  in  Normandy,  ready  to 
be  put  up  on  arriving:  these  had  now  to  be 
landed,  piece  by  piece,  on  the  strand.  These 
forts  were  to  be  erected  as  soon  as  the  army 
should  have  chosen  a  position  for  a  permanent 
encampment,  and  were  intended  as  a  means  of 
protection  for  the  provisions  and  stores.  The 
circumstance  shows  that  the  plan  of  transport- 
ing buildings  ready  made,  across  the  seas,  has 
not  been  invented  anew  by  our  emigrants  to 
California. 

While  these  operations  were  going  on,  Will- 
iam dispatched  small  squadrons  of  horse  as  re- 
connoitering  parties,  to  explore  the  country 
around,  to  see  if  there  were  any  indications 
that  Harold  was  near.  These  parties  return- 
ed, one  after  another,  after  having  gone  some 
miles  into  the  country  in  all  directions,  and  re- 
ported that  there  were  no  signs  of  an  enemy  to 


208      "William  the  Conqueror. 

William's  supper.  The  missing  ships. 

be  seen.  Things  were  now  getting  settled,  too, 
in  the  camp,  and  William  gave  directions  that 
the  army  should  kindle  their  camp  fires  for  the 
night,  and  prepare  and  eat  their  suppers.  His 
own  supper,  or  dinner,  as  perhaps  it  might  be 
called,  wras  also  served,  which  he  partook,  wTith 
his  officers,  in  his  own  tent.  His  mind  wTas  in 
a  state  of  great  contentment  and  satisfaction  at 
the  successful  accomplishment  of  the  landing, 
and  at  finding  himself  thus  safely  established, 
at  the  head  of  a  vast  force,  within  the  realm  of 
England. 

Every  circumstance  of  the  transit  had  been 
favorable  excepting  one,  and  that  was,  that  two 
of  the  ships  belonging  to  the  fleet  were  missing. 
William  inquired  at  supper  if  any  tidings  of 
them  had  been  received.  They  told  him,  in  re- 
ply, that  the  missing  vessels  had  been  heard 
from ;  they  had,  in  some  way  or  other,  been 
run  upon  the  rocks  and  lost.  There  was  a 
certain  astrologer,  who  had  made  a  great  parade, 
before  the  expedition  left  Normandy,  of  predicts 
ing  its  result.  He  had  found,  by  consulting  the 
stars,  that  William  would  be  successful,  and 
would  meet  with  no  opposition  from  Harold. 
This  astrologer  had  been  on  board  one  of  the 
missing  ships,  and  was  drowned.     William  re* 


A.D.  1066.]  Crossing  the  Channel.  209 

The  Conqueror's  Stone.    March  of  the  army.    Flight  of  the  inhabitants. 

marked,  on  receiving  this  information,  "What 
an  idiot  a  man  must  be,  to  think  that  he  can 
predict,  by  means  of  the  stars,  the  future  fate 
of  others,  when  it  is  so  plain  that  he  can  not  fore- 
see his  own !" 

It  is  said  that  "William's  dinner  on  this  occa- 
sion was  served  on  a  large  stone  instead  of  a  ta- 
ble. The  stone  still  remains  on  the  spot,  and  is 
called  "  the  Conqueror's  Stone"  to  this  day. 

The  next  day  after  the  landing,  the  army 
was  put  in  motion,  and  advanced  along  the 
coast  toward  the  eastward.  There  was  no 
armed  enemy  to  contend  against  them  there  or 
to  oppose  their  march ;  the  people  of  the  coun- 
try, through  which  the  army  moved,  far  from 
attempting  to  resist  them,  were  filled  with  ter- 
ror and  dismay.  This  terror  was  heightened, 
in  fact,  by  some  excesses  of  which  some  parties 
of  the  soldiers  were  guilty.  The  inhabitants 
of  the  hamlets  and  villages,  overwhelmed  with 
consternation  at  the  sudden  descent  upon  their 
shores  of  such  a  vast  horde  of  wild  and  desperate 
foreigners,  fled  in  all  directions.  Some  made 
their  escape  into  the  interior ;  others,  taking 
with  them  the  helpless  members  of  their  house- 
holds, and  such  valuables  as  they  could  carry, 
sought  refuge  in  monasteries  and  churches, 
O 


210      "William  the  Conqueror. 

The  army  encamps.  The  town  of  Hastings. 

supposing  that  such  sanctuaries  as  those,  not 
even  soldiers,  unless  they  were  pagans,  would 
dare  to  violate.  Others,  still,  attempted  to  con- 
ceal themselves  in  thickets  and  fens  till  the  vast 
throng  which  was  sweeping  onward  like  a  tor- 
nado should  have  passed.  Though  William  af- 
terward always  evinced  a  decided  disposition  to 
protect  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  the  country 
from  all  aggressions  on  the  part  of  his  troops, 
he  had  no  time  to  attend  to  that  subject  now. 
He  was  intent  on  pressing  forward  to  a  place 
of  safety. 

William  reached  at  length  a  position  which 
seemed  to  him  suitable  for  a  permanent  encamp- 
ment. It  was  an  elevated  land,  near  the  sea. 
To  the  westward  of  it  was  a  valley  formed  by 
a  sort  of  recess  opened  in  the  range  of  chalky 
cliffs  which  here  form  the  shore  of  England. 
In  the  bottom  of  this  valley,  down  upon  the 
beach,  was  a  small  town,  then  of  no  great  con- 
sequence or  power,  but  whose  name,  which 
was  Hastings,  has  since  been  immortalized  by 
the  battle  which,  was  fought  in  its  vicinity  a 
few  days  after  William's  arrival.  The  posi- 
tion which  William  selected  for  his  encamp- 
ment was  on  high  land  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
town.       The   lines   of  the   encampment   were 


A.D.  1066.]  Crossing  the   Channel.  211 

William's  fortifications.  Approach  of  Harold. 

marked  out,  and  the  forts  or  castles  which  had 
been  brought  from  Normandy  were  set  up  with- 
in the  inclosures.  Yast  multitudes  of  laborers 
were  soon  at  work,  throwing  up  embankments, 
and  building  redoubts  and  bastions,  while  others 
were  transporting  the  arms,  the  provisions,  and 
the  munitions  of  war,  and  storing  them  in  se- 
curity within  the  lines.  The  encampment  was 
soon  completed,  and  the  long  line  of  tents  were 
set  up  in  streets  and  squares  within  it.  By  the 
time,  however,  that  the  work  was  done,  some 
of  William's  agents  and  spies  came  into  camp 
from  the  north,  saying  that  in  four  days  Harold 
would  be  upon  him  at  the  head  of  a  hundred 
thousand  men. 


212      William  the   Conqueror. 

Tostig.  He  is  driven  from  England. 


Chapter  X. 

The  Battle  of  Hastings. 

r  |  ^HE  reader  will  doubtless  recollect  that  the 
-■-  tidings  which  William  first  received  of  the 
accession  of  King  Harold  were  brought  to  him 
by  Tostig,  Harold's  brother,  on  the  day  when 
he  was  trying  his  bow  and  arrows  in  the  park 
at  Rouen.  Tostig  was  his  brother's  most  in- 
veterate foe.  He  had  been,  during  the  reign  of 
Edward,  a  great  chieftain,  ruling  over  the  north 
of  England.  The  city  of  York  was  then  his 
capital.  He  had  been  expelled  from  these  his 
dominions,  and  had  quarreled  with  his  brother 
Harold  in  respect  to  his  right  to  be  restored  to 
them.  In  the  course  of  this  quarrel  he  was 
driven  from  the  country  altogether,  and  went 
to  the  Continent,  burning  with  rage  and  resent- 
ment against  his  brother  ;  and  when  he  came 
to  inform  William  of  Harold's  usurpation,  his 
object  was  not  merely  to  arouse  William  to  ac- 
tion— he  wished  to  act  himself.  He  told  Will- 
iam that  he  himself  had  more  influence  in  En- 
gland still  than  his  brother,  and  that  if  William 


A.D.  1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.       213 

Expedition  of  Tostig.  He  sails  to  Norway. 

would  supply  him  with  a  small  fleet  and  a  mod- 
erate number  of  men,  he  would  make  a  descent 
upon  the  coast  and  show  what  he  could  do. 

"William  acceded  to  his  proposal,  and  furnish- 
ed him  with  the  force  which  he  required,  and 
Tostig  set  sail.  William  had  not,  apparently, 
much  confidence  in  the  power  of  Tostig  to  pro- 
duce any  great  effect,  but  his  efforts,  he  thought, 
might  cause  some  alarm  in  England,  and  occa- 
sion sudden  and  fatiguing  marches  to  the  troops, 
and  thus  distract  and  weaken  King  Harold's 
forces.  William  would  not,  therefore,  accom- 
pany Tostig  himself,  but,  dismissing  him  with 
such  force  as  he  could  readily  raise  on  so  sud- 
den a  call,  he  remained  himself  in  Normandy, 
and  commenced  in  earnest  his  own  grand  prep- 
arations, as  is  described  in  the  last  chapter. 

Tostig  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  attempt  a 
landing  on  English  shores  until  he  had  obtain- 
ed some  accession  to  the  force  which  William 
had  given  him.  He  accordingly  passed  through 
the  Straits  of  Dover,  and  then  turning  north- 
ward, he  sailed  along  the  eastern  shores  of  the" 
German  Ocean  in  search  of  allies.  He  came, 
at  length,  to  Norway.  He  entered  into  nego- 
tiations there  with  the  Norwegian  king,  whose 
name,  too,  was  Harold.     This  northern  Harold 


214      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Tostig's  alliance  with  the  Norwegians.  The  Norwegian  fleet. 

was  a  wild  and  adventurous  soldier  and  sailor, 
a  sort  of  sea  king,  who  had  spent  a  considera- 
ble portion  of  his  life  in  marauding  excursions 
upon  the  seas.  He  readily  entered  into  Tos- 
tig's views.  An  arrangement  was  soon  con- 
cluded, and  Tostig  set  sail  again  to  cross  the 
G-erman  Ocean  toward  the  British  shores,  while 
Harold  promised  to  collect  and  equip  his  own 
fleet  as  soon  as  possible,  ana  follow  him.  All 
this  took  place  early  in  September  ;  so  that,  at 
the  same  time  that  William's  threatened  inva- 
sion was  gathering  strength  and  menacing  Har- 
old's southern  frontier,  a  cloud  equally  dark  and 
gloomy,  and  quite  as  threatening  in  its  aspect, 
was  rising  and  swelling  in  the  north;  while 
King  Harold  himself,  though  full  of  vague  un- 
easiness and  alarm,  could  gain  no  certain  in- 
formation in  respect  to  either  of  these  dan- 
gers. 

The  Norwegian  fleet  assembled  at  the  port 
appointed  for  the  rendezvous  of  it,  but,  as  the 
season  was  advanced  and  the  weather  stormy, 
the  soldiers  there,  like  "William's  soldiers  on  the 
coast  of  France,  were  afraid  to  put  to  sea.  Some 
of  them  had  dreams  which  they  considered  as 
bad  omens  ;  and  so  much  superstitious  import- 
ance was  attached  to  such  ideas  in  those  times 


A.D.1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.       215 

Superstitions.  Dreams  of  the  soldiers. 

that  these  dreams  were  gravely  recorded  Ly  the 
writers  of  the  ancient  chronicles,  and  have  come 
down  to  us  as  part  of  the  regular  and  sober  his- 
tory of  the  times.  One  soldier  dreamed  that 
the  expedition  had  sailed  and  landed  on  the  En- 
glish coast,  and  that  there  the  English  army 
came  out  to  meet  them.  Before  the  front  of 
the  army  rode  a  woman  of  gigantic  stature, 
mounted  on  a  wolf.  The  wolf  had  in  his  jaws 
a  human  body,  dripping  with  blood,  which  he 
was  en^asfed  in  devouring  as  he  came  alonsr. 
The  woman  gave  the  wolf  another  victim  after 
he  had  devoured  the  first. 

Another  of  these  ominous  dreams  was  the 
following:  Just  as  the  fleet  was  about  setting 
sail,  the  dreamer  saw  a  crowd  of  ravenous  vul- 
tures and  birds  of  prey  come  and  alight  every 
where  upon  the  sails  and  rigging  of  the  ships, 
as  if  they  were  going  to  accompany  the  expedi- 
tion. Upon  the  summit  of  a  rock  near  the 
shore  there  sat  the  figure  of  a  female,  with  a 
stern  and  ferocious  countenance,  and  a  drawn 
sword  in  her  hand.  She  was  busy  counting  the 
ships,  pointing  at  them,  as  she  counted,  with 
her  sword.  She  seemed  a  sort  of  fiend  of  de- 
struction, and  she  called  out  to  the  birds,  to  en- 
courage them  to  go.     "  Go  !"  said  she,  "with- 


216      William  the  Conqueror. 

The  combined  fleets.  Attack  on  Scarborough. 

out  fear ;  you  shall  have  abundance  of  prey.  I 
am  going  too." 

It  is  obvious  that  these  dreams  might  as  easily 
have  been  interpreted  to  portend  death  and  de- 
struction to  their  English  foes  as  to  the  dream- 
ers themselves.  The  soldiers  were,  however, 
inclined — in  the  state  of  mind  which  the  season 
of  the  year,  the  threatening  aspect  of  the  skies, 
and  the  certain  dangers  of  their  distant  expedi- 
tion, produced — to  apply  the  gloomy  predictions 
which  they  imagined  these  dreams  expressed,  to 
themselves.  Their  chief,  however,  was  of  too 
desperate  and  determined  a  character  to  pay 
any  regard  to  such  influences.  He  set  sail. 
His  armament  crossed  the  German  Sea  in  safe- 
ty, and  joined  Tostig  on  the  coast  of  Scotland. 
The  combined  fleet  moved  slowly  southward, 
along  the  shore,  watching  for  an  opportunity  to 
land. 

They  reached,  at  length,  the  town  of  Scar- 
borough, and  landed  to  attack  it.  The  inhab- 
itants retired  within  the  walls,  shut  the  gates, 
and  bid  the  invaders  defiance.  The  town  was 
situated  under  a  hill,  which  rose  in  a  steep  ac- 
clivity upon  one  side.  The  story  is,  that  the 
Norwegians  went  upon  this  hill,  where  they 
piled  up    an    enormous  heap  of  trunks    and 


A. D.  1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.       219 

The  rolling  fire.  Burning  of  Scarborough. 

branches  of  trees,  with  the  interstices  filled 
with  stubble,  dried  bark,  and  roots,  and  other 
such  combustibles,  and  then  setting  the  whole 
mass  on  fire,  they  rolled  it  down  into  the  town 
' — a  vast  ball  of  fire,  roaring  and  crackling  more 
and  more,  by  the  fanning  of  its  flames  in  the 
wind,  as  it  bounded  along.  The  intelligent 
reader  will,  of  course,  pause  and  hesitate,  in 
considering  how  far  to  credit  such  a  story.  It 
is  obviously  impossible  that  any  mere  pile,  how- 
ever closely  packed,  could  be  made  to  roll.  But 
it  is,  perhaps,  not  absolutely  impossible  that 
trunks  of  trees  might  be  framed  together,  or 
fastened  with  wet  thongs  or  iron  chains,  after 
being  made  in  the  form  of  a  rude  cylinder  or 
ball,  and  filled  with  combustibles  within,  so  as 
to  retain  its  integrity  in  such  a  descent. 

The  account  states  that  this  strange  meth- 
od of  bombardment  was  successful.  The  town 
was  set  on  fire ;  the  people  surrendered.  Tos- 
tig  and  the  Norwegians  plundered  it,  and  then, 
embarking  again  in  their  ships,  they  contin- 
ued their  voyage. 

The  intelligence  of  this  descent  upon  his 
northern  coasts  reached  Harold  in  London  to- 
ward the  close  of  September,  just  as  he  was 
withdrawing  his  forces  from  the  southern  fron- 


220      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Tostig  marches  to  York.  Surrender  of  the  city. 

tier,  as  was  related  in  the  last  chapter,  under 
the  idea  that  the  Norman  invasion  would  prob- 
ably be  postponed  until  the  spring;  so  that, 
instead  of  sending  his  troops(  into  their  winter 
quarters,  he  had  to  concentrate  them  again  with 
all  dispatch,  and  march  at  the  head  of  them  to 
the  north,  to  avert  this  new  and  unexpected 
danger. 

While  King  Harold  was  thus  advancing  to 
meet  them,  Tostig  and  his  Norwegian  allies  en- 
tered the  River  Humber.  Their  object  was  to 
reach  the  city  of  York,  which  had  been  Tostig's 
former  capital,  and  which  was  situated  near 
the  River  Ouse,  a  branch  of  the  Humber.  They 
accordingly  ascended  the  Humber  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Ouse,  and  thence  up  the  latter  river  to  a 
suitable  point  of  debarkation  not  far  from  York. 
Here  they  landed  and  formed  a  great  encamp- 
ment. From  this  encampment  they  advanced 
to  the  siege  of  the  city.  The  inhabitants  made 
some  resistance  at  first ;  but,  finding  that  then- 
cause  was  hopeless,  they  offered  to  surrender, 
and  a  treaty  of  surrender  was  finally  concluded. 
This  negotiation  was  closed  toward  the  evening 
of  the  day,  and  Tostig  and  his  confederate  forces 
were  to  be  admitted  on  the  morrow.  They 
therefore,  feeling  that  their  prize  was  secure, 


A.D.  1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.       221 

Arrival  of  King  Harold.  Movements  of  Tostig. 

withdrew  to  their  encampment  for  the  night, 
and  left  the  city  to  its  repose. 

It  so  happened  that  King  Harold  arrived  that 
very  night,  coming  to  the  rescue  of  the  city. 
He  expected  to  have  found  an  army  of  besiegers 
around  the  walls,  but,  instead  of  that,  there  was 
nothing  to  intercept  his  progress  up  to  the  very 
gates  of  the  city.  The  inhabitants  opened  the 
gates  to  receive  him,  and  the  whole  detachment 
which  was  marching  under  his  command  passed 
in,  while  Tostig  and  his  Norwegian  allies  were 
sleeping  quietly  in  their  camp,  wholly  uncon- 
scious of  the  great  change  which  had  thus  taken 
place  in  the  situation  of  their  affairs. 

The  next  morning  Tostig  drew  out  a  large 
portion  of  the  army,  and  formed  them  in  array, 
for  the  purpose  of  advancing  to  take  possession 
of  the  city.  Although  it  was  September,  and 
the  weather  had  been  cold  and  stormy,  it  hap- 
pened that,  on  that  morning,  the  sun  came  out 
bright,  and  the  air  was  calm,  giving  promise  of 
a  warm  day;  and  as  the  movement  into  the 
city  was  to  be  a  peaceful  one — a  procession,  as 
it  were,  and  not  a  hostile  march — the  men  were 
ordered  to  leave  their  coats  of  mail  and  all  their 
heavy  armor  in  camp,  that  they  might  march 
the  more  unencumbered.     "While  they  were  ad- 


222      William  the   Conqueror. 

Surprise  of  Tostig  and  his  allies.  Preparations  for  battle. 

vancing  in  this  unconcerned  and  almost  defense- 
less condition,  they  saw  before  them,  on  the 
road  leading  to  the  city,  a  great  cloud  of  dust 
arising.  It  was  a  strong  body  of  King  Harold's 
troops  coming  out  to  attack  them.  At  first, 
Tostig  and  the  Norwegians  were  completely 
lost  and  bewildered  at  the  appearance  of  so  un- 
expected a  spectacle.  Very  soon  they  could 
see  weapons  glittering  here  and  there,  and  ban- 
ners flying.  A  cry  of  "  The  enemy  !  the  ene- 
my !"  arose,  and  passed  along  their  ranks,  pro- 
ducing universal  alarm.  Tostig  and  the  Nor- 
wegian Harold  halted  their  men,  and  marshaled 
them  hastily  in  battle  array.  The  English 
Harold  did  the  same,  when  he  had  drawn  up 
near  to  the  front  of  the  enemy ;  both  parties 
then  paused,  and  stood  surveying  one  another. 

Presently  there  was  seen  advancing  from  the 
English  side  a  squadron  of  twenty  horsemen, 
splendidly  armed,  and  bearing  a  flag  of  truce. 
They  approached  to  within  a  short  distance  of 
the  Norwegian  lines,  when  a  herald,  who  was 
among  them,  called  out  aloud  for  Tcstig.  Tos- 
tig came  forward  in  answer  to  the  summons. 
The  herald  then  proclaimed  to  Tostig  that  his 
brother  did  not  wish  to  contend  with  him,  but 
desired,  on  the  contrary,  that  they  should  live 


A.D.1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.       223 

Negotiations  between  Tostig  and  his  brother.  The  battle. 

together  in  harmony.  He  offered  him  peace, 
therefore,  if  he  would  lay  down  his  arms,  and 
he  promised  to  restore  him  his  former  posses- 
sions and  honors. 

Tostig  seemed  very  much  inclined  to  receive 
this  proposition  favorably.  He  paused  and  hes- 
itated. At  length  he  asked  the  messenger  what 
terms  King  Harold  would  make  with  his  friend 
and  ally,  the  Norwegian  Harold.  "  He  shall 
have,"  replied  the  messenger,  "seven  feet  of 
English  ground  for  a  grave.  He  shall  have  a 
little  more  than  that,  for  he  is  taller  than  com- 
mon men."  "  Then,"  replied  Tostig,  "tell  my 
brother  to  prepare  for  battle.  It  shall  never  be 
said  that  I  abandoned  and  betrayed  my  ally  and 
friend." 

The  troop  returned  with  Tostig's  answer  to 
Harold's  lines,  and  the  battle  almost  immedi- 
ately began.  Of  course  the  most  eager  and  in- 
veterate hostility  of  the  English  army  would  be 
directed  against  the  Norwegians  and  their  king, 
whom  they  considered  as  foreign  intruders,  with- 
out any  excuse  or  pretext  for  their  aggression. 
It  accordingly  happened  that,  very  soon  after 
the  commencement  of  the  conflict,  Harold  the 
Norwegian  fell,  mortally  wounded  by  an  arrow 
in  his  throat.     The  English  king  then  made 


224      William  the  Conqueror. 

Death  of  Tostig.  The  Norwegians  retire. 

new  proposals  to  Tostig  to  cease  the  combat, 
and  come  to  some  terms  of  accommodation. 
But,  in  the  mean  time,  Tostig  had  become  him- 
self incensed,  and  would  listen  to  no  overtures 
of  peace.  He  continued  the  combat  until  he 
was  himself  killed.  The  remaining  combatants 
in  his  army  had  now  no  longer  any  motive  for 
resistance.  Harold  offered  them  a  free  passage 
to  their  ships,  that  they  might  return  home  in 
peace,  if  they  would  lay  down  their  arms. 
They  accepted  the  offer,  retired  on  board  their 
ships,  and  set  sail.  Harold  then,  having,  in  the 
mean  time,  heard  of  William's  landing  on  the 
southern  coast,  set  out  on  his  return  to  the 
southward,  to  meet  the  more  formidable  enemy 
that  menaced  him  there. 

His  army,  though  victorious,  was  weakened 
by  the  fatigues  of  the  march,  and  by  the  losses 
suffered  in  the  battle.  Harold  himself  had  been 
wounded,  though  not  so  severely  as  to  prevent 
his  continuing  to  exercise  the  command.  He 
pressed  on  toward  the  south  with  great  energy, 
sending  messages  on  every  side,  into  the  sur- 
rounding country,  on  his  line  of  march,  calling 
upon  the  chieftains  to  arm  themselves  and  their 
followers,  and  to  come  on  with  all  possible  dis- 
patch, and  join  him.     He  hoped  to  advance  so 


A. D.  1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.       225 


Harold  attempts  to  surprise  William. 


rapidly  to  the  southern  coast  as  to  surprise 
William  before  he  should  have  fully  intrenched 
himself  in  his  camp,  and  without  his  being 
aware  of  his  enemy's  approach.  But  William, 
in  order  to  guard  effectually  against  surprise, 
had  sent  out  small  reconnoitering  parties  of 
horsemen  on  all  the  roads  leading  northward, 
that  they  might  bring  him  in  intelligence  of  the 
first  approach  of  the  enemy.  Harold's  advanced 
guard  met  these  parties,  and  saw  them  as  they 
drove  rapidly  back  to  the  camp  to  give  the 
alarm.  Thus  the  hope  of  surprising  William 
was  disappointed.  Harold  found,  too,  by  his 
spies,  as  he  drew  near,  to  his  utter  dismay,  that 
William's  forces  were  four  times  as  numerous 
as  his  own.  It  would,  of  course,  be  madness  for 
him  to  think  of  attacking  an  enemy  in  his  in- 
trenchments  with  such  an  inferior  force.  The 
only  alternative  left  him  was  either  to  retreat, 
or  else  to  take  some  strong  position  and  fortify 
himself  there,  in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  resist 
the  invaders  and  arrest  their  advance,  though 
he  was  not  strong  enough  to  attack  them. 

Some  of  his  counselors  advised  him  not  to 
hazard  a  battle  at  all,  but  to  fall  back  toward 
London,  carrying  with  him  or  destroying  every 
thing  which  could  afford  sustenance  to  Will- 


226       "William  the  Conqueror. 

Advice  of  Harold's  counselors.  He  rejects  it. 

iam's  army  from  the  whole  breadth  of  the  land. 
This  would  soon,  they  said,  reduce  "William's 
army  to  great  distress  for  want  of  food,  since  it 
would  he  impossible  for  him  to  transport  sup- 
plies across  the  Channel  for  so  vast  a  multitude. 
Besides,  they  said,  this  plan  would  compel  Will- 
iam, in  the  extremity  to  which  be  would  be  re- 
duced, to  make  so  many  predatory  excursions 
among  the  more  distant  villages  and  towns,  as 
would  exasperate  the  inhabitants,  and  induce 
them  to  join  Harold's  army  in  great  numbers  to 
repel  the  invasion.  Harold  listened  to  these 
counsels,  but  said,  after  consideration,  that  he 
could  never  adopt  such  a  plan.  He  could  not 
be  so  derelict  to  his  duty  as  to  lay  waste  a  coun- 
try which  he  was  under  obligations  to  protect 
and  save,  or  compel  his  people  to  come  to  his 
aid  by  exposing  them,  designedly,  to  the  ex- 
cesses and  cruelties  of  so  ferocious  an  enemy. 

Harold  determined,  therefore,  on  giving  Will- 
iam battle.  It  was  not  necessary,  however,  for 
him  to  attack  the  invader.  He  perceived  at 
once  that  if  he  should  take  a  strong  position 
and  fortify  himself  in  it,  William  must  neces- 
sarily attack  him,  since  a  foreign  army,  just 
landed  in  the  country,  could  not  long  remain  in- 
active on  the  shore.     Harold  accordingly  chose 


A.D.  1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.       227 

Harold's  encampment .  The  country  alarmed. 

a  position  six  or  seven  miles  from  "William's 
camp,  and  fortified  himself  strongly  there.  Of 
course  neither  army  was  in  sight  of  the  other, 
or  knew  the  numbers,  disposition,  or  plans  of 
the  enemy.  The  country  between  them  was, 
so  far  as  the  inhabitants  were  concerned,  a 
scene  of  consternation  and  terror.  No  one 
knew  at  what  point  the  two  vast  clouds  of  dan- 
ger and  destruction  which  were  hovering  near 
them  would  meet,  or  over  what  regions  the  ter- 
rible storm  which  was  to  burst  forth  when  the 
hour  of  that  meeting  should  come,  would  sweep 
in  its  destructive  fury.  The  inhabitants,  there- 
fore, were  every  where  flying  in  dismay,  con- 
veying away  the  aged  and  the  helpless  by  any 
means  which  came  most  readily  to  hand ;  tak- 
ing with  them,  too,  such  treasures  as  they  could 
carry,  and  hiding,  in  rude  and  uncertain  places 
of  concealment,  those  which  they  were  compel- 
led to  leave  behind.  The  region,  thus,  which 
lay  between  the  two  encampments  was  rapidly 
becoming  a  solitude  and  a  desolation,  across 
which  no  communication  was  made,  and  no  tid- 
ings passed  to  give  the  armies  at  the  encamp- 
ments intelligence  of  each  other. 

Harold  had  two  brothers  among  the  officers 
of  his  army,  Grurth  and  Leofwin.     Their  con- 


228      William  the  Conqueror. 

Harold's  brothers.  He  proposes  to  visit  William's  camp. 

duct  toward  the  king  seems  to  have  been  of  a 
more  fraternal  character  than  that  of  Tostig, 
■who  had  acted  the  part  of  a  rebel  and  an  enemy. 
G-urth  and  Leofwin,  on  the  contrary,  adhered 
to  his  cause,  and,  as  the  hour  of  danger  and  the 
great  crisis  which  was  to  decide  their  fate  drew 
nigh,  they  kept  close  to  his  side,  and  evinced  a 
truly  fraternal  solicitude  for  his  safety.  It  was 
they,  specially,  who  had  recommended  to  Har- 
old to  fall  back  on  London,  and  not  risk  his  life, 
and  the  fate  of  his  kingdom,  on  the  uncertain 
event  of  a  battle. 

As  soon  as  Harold  had  completed  his  encamp- 
ment, he  expressed  a  desire  to  Grurth  to  ride 
across  the  intermediate  country  and  take  a  view 
of  William's  lines.  Such  an  undertaking  was 
less  dangerous  then  than  it  would  be  at  the 
present  day ;  for  now,  such  a  reconnoitering 
party  would  be  discovered  from  the  enemy's  en- 
campment, at  a  great  distance,  by  means  of 
spy-glasses,  and  a  twenty-four-pound  shot  or  a 
shell  would  be  sent  from  a  battery  to  blow  the 
party  to  pieces  or  drive  them  away.  The  only 
danger  then  was  of  being  pursued  by  a  detach- 
ment of  horsemen  from  the  camp,  or  surrounded 
by  an  ambuscade.  To  guard  against  these  dan- 
gers, Harold  and  Gurth  took  the  most  powerful 


A.D.1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.       229 

Harold's  arrival  at  William's  lines.  He  reconnoiters  the  camp. 

and  fleetest  horses  in  the  camp,  and  they  called 
out  a  small  but  strong  guard  of  well-selected 
men  to  escort  them.  Thus  provided  and  at- 
tended, they  rode  over  to  the  enemy's  lines,  and 
advanced  so  near  that,  from  a  small  eminence 
to  which  they  ascended,  they  could  survey  the 
whole  scene  of  William's  encampment :  the 
palisades  and  embankments  with  which  it  was 
guarded,  which  extended  for  miles ;  the  long 
lines  of  tents  within  ;  the  vast  multitude  of  sol- 
diers; the  knights  and  officers  riding  to  and 
fro,  glittering  with  steel ;  and  the  grand  pavil- 
ion of  the  duke  himself,  with  the  consecrated 
banner  of  the  cross  floating  above  it.  Harold 
was  very  much  impressed  with  the  grandeur  of 
the  spectacle. 

After  gazing  on  this  scene  for  some  time  in 
silence,  Harold  said  to  Grurth  that  perhaps,  af- 
ter all,  the  policy  of  falling  back  would  have 
been  the  wisest  for  them  to  adopt,  rather  than 
to  risk  a  battle  with  so  overwhelming  a  force  as 
they  saw  before  them.  He  did  not  know,  he 
added,  but  that  it  would  be  best  for  them  to 
change  their  plan,  and  adopt  that  policy  now. 
G-urth  said  that  it  was  too  late.  They  had  tak- 
en their  stand,  and  now  for  them  to  break  up 
their  encampment  and  retire  would  be  consid- 


230      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Harold's  despondency.  His  spies.  Their  report. 

ered  a  retreat  and  not  a  maneuver,  and  it  would 
discourage  and  dishearten  the  whole  realm. 

After  surveying  thus,  as  long  as  they  desired 
to  do  so,  the  situation  and  extent  of  William's 
encampment,  Harold's  party  returned  to  their 
own  lines,  still  determined  to  make  a  stand 
there  against  the  invaders,  hut  feeling  great 
douht  and  despondency  in  respect  to  the  result. 
Harold  sent  over,  too,  in  the  course  of  the  day, 
some  spies.  The  men  whom  he  employed  for 
this  purpose  were  Normans  hy  birth,  and  they 
could  speak  the  French  language.  There  were 
many  Normans  in  England,  who  had  come 
over  in  King  Edward's  time.  These  Norman 
spies  could,  of  course,  disguise  themselves,  and 
mingle,  without  attracting  attention,  among 
the  thousands  of  workmen  and  camp  followers 
that  were  going  and  coming  continually  around 
the  grounds  which  William's  army  occupied. 
They  did  this  so  effectually,  that  they  pene- 
trated within  the  encampment  without  diffi- 
culty, examined  every  thing,  and,  in  due  time, 
returned  to  Harold  with  their  report.  They 
gave  a  formidable  account  of  the  numbers  and 
condition  of  William's  troops.  There  was  a 
large  corps  of  bowmen  in  the  army,  which  had 
adopted  a  fashion  of  being  shaven  and  shorn  in 


A.D.  1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.       231 


William's  embassadors.  Thuir  propositions. 

such  a  manner  that  the  spies  mistook  them  for 
priests.  They  told  Harold,  accordingly,  on  their 
return,  that  there  were  more  priests  in  Will- 
iam's camp  than  there  were  soldiers  in  all  his 
army. 

During  this  eventful  day,  "William  too  sent 
a  body  of  horsemen  across  the  country  which 
separated  the  two  encampments,  though  his 
emissaries  were  not  spies,  but  embassadors, 
with  propositions  for  peace.  William  had  no 
wish  to  fight  a  battle,  if  what  he  considered  as 
rightfully  his  kingdom  could  be  delivered  to  him 
without  it;  and  he  determined  to  make  one 
final  effort  to  obtain  a  peaceable  surrender  of 
it,  before  coming  to  the  dreadful  resort  of  an 
appeal  to  arms.  He  accordingly  sent  his  em- 
bassy with  three  propositions  to  make  to  the 
English  king.  The  principal  messenger  in  this 
company  was  a  monk,  whose  name  was  Maigrot. 
He  rode,  with  a  proper  escort  and  a  flag  of  truce, 
to  Harold's  lines.  The  propositions  were  these, 
by  accepting  either  of  which  the  monk  said 
that  Harold  might  avoid  a  battle.  1.  That 
Harold  should  surrender  the  kingdom  to  Will- 
iam, as  he  had  solemnly  sworn  to  do  over  the 
sacred  relics  in  Normandy.  2.  That  they  should 
both  agree  to  refer  the  whole  subject  of  contro- 


232      "William  the  Conqueror. 

William's  propositions  unreasonable.  Harold  declines  them. 

versy  between  them  to  the  pope,  and  abide  by 
his  decision.  3.  That  they  should  settle  the 
dispute  by  single  combat,  the  two  claimants  to 
the  crown  to  fight  a  duel  on  the  plain,  in  pres- 
ence of  their  respective  armies. 

It  is  obvious  that  Harold  could  not  accept 
either  of  these  propositions.  The  first  was  to 
give  up  the  wThole  point  at  issue.  As  for  the 
second,  the  pope  had  already  prejudged  the  case, 
and  if  it  were  to  be  referred  to  him,  there  could 
be  no  doubt  that  he  would  simply  reaffirm  his 
former  decision.  And  in  respect  to  single  com- 
bat, the  disadvantage  on  Harold's  part  would 
be  as  great  in  such  a  contest  as  it  would  be  in 
the  proposed  arbitration.  He  was  himself  a 
man  of  comparatively  slender  form  and  of  little 
bodily  strength.  William,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  distinguished  for  his  size,  and  for  his  ex- 
traordinary muscular  energy.  In  a  modern 
combat  with  fire-arms  these  personal  advant- 
ages would  be  of  no  avail,  but  in  those  days, 
when  the  weapons  were  battle-axes,  lances,  and 
swords,  they  were  almost  decisive  of  the  result. 
Harold  therefore  declined  all  William's  proposi- 
tions, and  the  monk  returned. 

William  seems  not  to  have  been  wholly  dis- 
couraged by  this  failure  of  his  first  attempt  at 


A.D.  1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.        233 

Further  proposals  of  William.  Counter  proposal  of  Harold. 

negotiation,  for  he  sent  his  embassage  a  second 
time  to  make  one  more  proposal.  It  was,  that 
if  Harold  would  consent  to  acknowledge  AVill- 
iam  as  King  of  England,  William  would  assign 
the  whole  territory  to  him  and  to  his  brother 
G-urth,  to  hold  as  provinces,  under  William's 
general  sway.  Under  this  arrangement  Will- 
iam would  himself  return  to  Normandy,  making 
the  city  of  Rouen,  which  was  his  capital  there, 
the  capital  of  the  whole  united  realm.  To  this 
proposal  Harold  replied,  that  he  could  not,  on 
any  terms,  give  up  his  rights  as  sovereign  of  En- 
gland. He  therefore  declined  this  proposal  also. 
He,  however,  now  made  a  proposition  in  his 
turn.  He  was  willing,  he  said,  to  compromise 
the  dispute,  so  far  as  it  could  be  done  by  the 
payment  of  money.  If  William  would  abandon 
his  invasion  and  return  to  Normandy,  giving 
up  his  claims  to  the  English  crown,  he  would 
pay  him,  he  said,  any  sum  of  money  that  he 
would  name. 

William  could  not  accept  this  proposal.  He 
was,  as  he  believed,  the  true  and  rightful  heir 
to  the  throne  of  England,  and  there  was  a  point 
of  honor  involved,  as  well  as  a  dictate  of  ambi- 
tion to  be  obeyed,  in  insisting  on  the  claim. 
In  the  mean  time,  the  day  had  passed,  while 


234      William  the  Conqueror. 

Harold's  forebodings.  Proposals  of  his  brothers. 

these  fruitless  negotiations  had  been  pending. 
Night  was  coming  on.  William's  officers  and 
counselors  began  to  be  uneasy  at  the  delay. 
They  said  that  every  hour  new  re-enforcements 
were  coming  into  Harold's  camp,  while  they 
themselves  were  gaining  no  advantage,  and, 
consequently,  the  longer  the  battle  was  delayed, 
the  less  was  the  certainty  of  victory.  So  Will- 
iam promised  them  that  he  would  attack  King 
Harold  in  his  camp  the  very  next  morning. 

As  the  time  for  the  great  final  struggle  drew 
near,  Harold's  mind  was  oppressed  more  and 
more  with  a  sense  of  anxiety  and  with  foreboding 
fears.  His  brothers,  too,  were  ill  at  ease.  Their 
solicitude  was  increased  by  the  recollection  of 
Harold's  oath,  and  of  the  awful  sanctions  with 
which  they  feared  the  sacred  relics  might  have 
invested  it.  They  were  not  sure  that  their 
brother's  excuse  for  setting  it  aside  would  save 
him  from  the  guilt  and  curse  of  perjury  in  the 
sight  of  Heaven.  So  they  proposed,  on  the  eve 
of  the  battle,  that  Harold  himself  should  retire, 
and  leave  them  to  conduct  the  defense.  "  We 
can  not  deny,"  they  said,  "  that  you  did  take 
the  oath ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  circum- 
stances which  seem  to  absolve  you  from  the 
obligation,  it  is  best  to  avoid,  if  possible,  the 


A.D.  1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.       235 

Night  before  the  battle.  Scenes  in  Harold's  ciunp. 

open  violation  of  it.  It  will  be  better,  on  the 
whole,  for  you  to  leave  the  army  and  go  to 
London.  You  can  aid  very  effectually  in  the 
defense  of  the  kingdom  by  raising  re-enforce- 
ments there.  "VVe  will  stay  and  encounter  the 
actual  battle.  Heaven  can  not  be  displeased 
with  us  for  so  doing,  for  we  shall  be  only  dis- 
charging the  duty  incumbent  on  all,  of  defend- 
ing their  native  land  from  foreign  invasion." 

Harold  would  not  consent  to  adopt  this  plan. 
He  could  not  retire  himself,  he  said,  at  the  hour 
of  approaching  danger,  and  leave  his  brothers 
and  his  friends  exposed,  when  it  was  his  crown 
for  which  they  were  contending. 

Such  were  the  circumstances  of  the  two 
armies  on  the  evening  before  the  battle ;  and, 
of  course,  in  such  a  state  of  things,  the  tend- 
ency of  the  minds  of  men  would  be,  in  Harold's 
camp,  to  gloom  and  despondency,  and  in  Will- 
iam's, to  confidence  and  exultation.  Harold  un- 
dertook, as  men  in  his  circumstances  often  do, 
to  lighten  the  load  which  weighed  upon  his  own 
heart  and  oppressed  the  spirits  of  his  men,  by 
feasting  and  wine.  He  ordered  a  plentiful  sup- 
per to  be  served,  and  supplied  his  soldiers  with 
abundance  of  drink;  and  it  is  said  that  his 
whole  camp  exhibited,  during  the  whole  night, 


236      William  the  Conqueror.- 

Scenes  in  William's  camp.  Religious  ceremonies. 

one  wide-spread  scene  of  carousing  and  revelry, 
the  troops  being  gathered  every  where  in  groups 
around  their  camp  fires,  some  half  stupefied, 
others  quarreling,  and  others  still  singing  na- 
tional songs,  and  dancing  with  wild  excitement, 
according  to  the  various  effects  produced  upon 
different  constitutions  by  the  intoxicating  influ- 
ence of  beer  and  wine. 

In  "William's  camp  there  were  witnessed  very 
different  scenes.  There  were  a  great  many 
monks  and  ecclesiastics  in  the  train  of  his  army, 
and,  on  the  night  before  the  battle,  they  spent 
the  time  in  saying  masses,  reading  litanies  and 
prayers,  chanting  anthems,  and  in  other  similar 
acts  of  worship,  assisted  by  the  soldiers,  wTho 
gathered,  in  great  congregations,  for  this  wild 
worship,  in  the  open  spaces  among  the  tents 
and  around  the  camp  fires.  At  length  they  all 
retired  to  rest,  feeling  an  additional  sense  of 
safety  in  respect  to  the  work  of  the  morrow  by 
having,  as  they  supposed,  entitled  themselves, 
by  their  piety,  to  the  protection  of  Heaven. 

In  the  morning,  too,  in  William's  camp,  the 
first  thing  done  was  to  convene  the  army  for  a 
grand  celebration  of  mass.  It  is  a  curious  illus- 
tration of  the  mingling  of  the  religious,  or,  per- 
haps, we  ought  rather  to  say,  the  superstitious 


A.D.  1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.       237 

A  martial  bishop.  William's  war-horse. 


sentiment  of  the  times,  with  the  spirit  of  war, 
that  the  bishop  who  officiated  in  this  solemn 
service  of  the  mass  wore  a  coat  of  mail  under 
his  pontifical  attire,  and  an  attendant  stood  by 
his  side,  while  he  was  offering  his  prayers,  with 
a  steel-pointed  spear  in  his  hand,  ready  for  the 
martial  prelate  to  assume  as  soon  as  the  service 
should  be  ended.  Accordingly,  when  the  re- 
ligious duty  was  performed,  the  bishop  threw 
off  his  surplice,  took  his  spear,  and  mounting 
his  white  charger,  which  was  also  all  saddled 
and  bridled  beside  him,  he  headed  a  brigade  of 
horse,  and  rode  on  to  the  assault  of  the  enemy. 
"William  himself  mounted  a  very  magnificent 
war-horse  from  Spain,  a  present  which  he  had 
formerly  received  from  one  of  his  wealthy  barons. 
The  name  of  the  horse  was  Bayard.  From 
"William's  neck  were  suspended  some  of  the 
most  sacred  of  the  relics  over  which  Harold  had 
taken  his  false  oath.  He  imagined  that  there 
would  be  some  sort  of  charm  in  them,  to  pro- 
tect his  life,  and  to  make  the  judgment  of 
Heaven  more  sure  against  the  perjurer.  The 
standard  which  the  pope  had  blessed  was  borne 
by  his  side  by  a  young  standard  bearer,  who 
was  very  proud  of  the  honor.  An  older  soldier, 
however,  on  whom  the  care  of  this  standard 


238      William  the  Conqueror. 

Preliminary  arrangements.  Battle  of  Hastings. 

officially  devolved,  had  asked  to  be  excused 
from  carrying  it.  He  wished,  he  said,  to  do 
his  work  that  day  with  the  sword.  "While  mak- 
ing these  preliminary  arrangements  for  going 
into  battle,  William,  with  the  party  around  him, 
stood  upon  a  gentle  eminence  in  the  middle  of 
the  camp,  and  in  sight  of  the  whole  army. 
Every  one  was  struck  with  admiration  at  the 
splendid  figure  which  their  commander  made — 
his  large  and  well- formed  limbs  covered  with 
steel,  and  his  horse,  whose  form  was  as  noble 
as  that  of  his  master,  prancing  restlessly,  as  if 
impatient  for  the  battle  to  begin. 

When  all  were  ready,  the  Norman  army  ad- 
vanced gayly  and  joyously  to  attack  the  En- 
glish lines ;  but  the  gayety  and  joyousness  of 
the  scene  soon  disappeared,  as  corps  after  corps 
got  fairly  engaged  in  the  awful  work  of  the  day. 
For  ten  long  hours  there  reigned  over  the  whole 
field  one  wide-spread  scene  of  havoc  and  death — 
every  soul  among  all  those  countless  thousands 
delivered  up  to  the  supreme  dominion  of  the  most 
dreadful  passions,  excited  to  a  perfect  phren- 
sy  of  hatred,  rage,  and  revenge,  and  all  either 
mercilessly  killing  others,  or  dying  themselves 
in  agony  and  despair.  When  night  came,  the 
Normans  were  every  where  victorious.     They 


A.D.  1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.       239 


Defeat  of  Harold. 


were  in  full  possession  of  the  field,  and  they  rode 
triumphantly  to  and  fro  through  Harold's  camp, 
leaping  their  horses  over  the  hodies  of  the  dead 
and  dying  which  covered  the  ground.  Those  of 
King  Harold's  followers  that  had  escaped  the 
slaughter  of  the  day  fled  in  hopeless  confusion 
toward  the  north,  where  the  flying  masses 
strewed  the  roads  for  miles  with  the  hodies  of 
men  who  sank  down  on  the  way,  spent  with 
wounds  or  exhausted  hy  fatigue. 

In  the  morning,  William  marshaled  his  men 
on  the  field,  and  called  over  the  names  of  the 
officers  and  men,  as  they  had  heen  registered  in 
Normandy,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  who 
were  killed.  While  this  melancholy  ceremony 
was  going  on,  two  monks  came  in,  sent  from 
the  remains  of  the  English  army,  and  saying 
that  King  Harold  was  missing,  and  that  it  was 
rumored  that  he  had  been  slain.  If  so,  his  body 
must  be  lying  somewhere,  they  said,  upon  the 
field,  and  they  wished  for  permission  to  make 
search  for  it.  The  permission  was  granted. 
With  the  aid  of  some  soldiers  they  began  to  ex- 
plore the  ground,  turning  over  and  examining 
every  lifeless  form  which,  by  the  dress  or  the 
armor,  might  seem  to  be  possibly  the  king's. 
Their  search  was  for  a  long  time  vain;   the 


240       "William  the  Conqueror. 

Final  subjugation  of  the  island.  William  crowned  at  Westminster. 

ghastly  faces  of  the  dead  were  so  mutilated  and 
changed  that  nobody  could  he  identified.  At 
length,  however,  a  woman  who  had  been  in 
Harold's  family,  and  knew  his  person  more  in- 
timately than  they,  found  and  recognized  the 
body,  and  the  monks  and  the  soldiers  carried  it 
away. 

The  battle  of  Hastings  sealed  and  settled  the 
controversy  in  respect  to  the  English  crown. 
It  is  true  that  the  adherents  of  Harold,  and  also 
those  of  Edgar  Atheling,  made  afterward  va- 
rious efforts  to  rally  their  forces  and  recover  the 
kingdom,  but  in  vain.  William  advanced  to 
London,  fortified  himself  there,  and  made  ex- 
cursions from  that  city  as  a  centre  until  he  re- 
duced the  island  to  his  sway.  He  was  crowned 
at  length,  at  Westminster  Abbey,  with  great 
pomp  and  parade.  He  sent  for  Matilda  to  come 
and  join  him,  and  instated  her  in  his  palace  as 
Queen  of  England.  He  confiscated  the  prop- 
erty of  all  the  English  nobles  who  had  fought 
against  him,  and  divided  it  among  the  Norman 
chieftains  who  had  aided  him  in  the  invasion. 
He  made  various  excursions  to  and  from  Nor- 
mandy himself,  being  received  every  where 
throughout  his   dominions,  on  both   sides  the 


A.D.  1066.]  Battle  of  Hastings.       241 

William's  power.  His  greatness. 

Channel,  with  the  most  distinguished  honors. 
In  a  word,  he  became,  in  the  course  of  a  few 
years  after  he  landed,  one  of  the  greatest  and 
most  powerful  potentates  on  the  globe.  How 
far  all  his  riches  and  grandeur  were  from  mak- 
ing him  happy,  will  appear  in  the  following 
chapter- 


242       "William  the  Conqueror. 

William's  oldest  son.  His  character. 


Chapter  XL 
Prince  Robert's  Rebellion. 

AMBITIOUS  men,  who  devote  their  time 
and  attention,  through  all  the  early  years 
of  life,  to  their  personal  and  political  aggrand- 
izement, have  little  time  to  appropriate  to  the 
government  and  education  of  their  children,  and 
their  later  years  are  often  embittered  by  the 
dissipation  and  vice,  or  by  the  unreasonable  ex- 
actions of  their  sons.  At  least  it  was  so  in 
"William's  case.  By  the  time  that  his  public 
enemies  were  subdued,  and  he  found  himself 
undisputed  master  both  of  his  kingdom  and  his 
duchy,  Ins  peace  and  happiness  were  destroyed, 
and  the  tranquillity  of  his  whole  realm  was  dis- 
turbed by  a  terrible  famrly  quarrel. 

The  name  of  his  oldest  son  was  Robert.  He 
was  fourteen  years  old  when  his  father  set  off 
on  his  invasion  of  England.  At  that  time  he 
was  a  sort  of  spoiled  child,  having  been  his 
mother's  favorite,  and,  as  such,  always  greatly 
indulged  by  her.  When  William  went  away, 
it  will  be  recollected  that  he  appointed  Matilda 


A.D.1077.]  Robert's  Rebellion.      243 

William's  conflicts  with  his  son  Robert.  William  Rufus. 

regent,  to  govern  Normandy  during  his  absence. 
This  boy  was  also  named  in  the  regency,  so 
that  he  was  nominally  associated  with  his  moth- 
er, and  he  considered  himself,  doubtless,  as  the 
more  important  personage  of  the  two.  In  a 
word,  while  William  was  engaged  in  England, 
prosecuting  his  conquests  there,  Robert  was 
growing  up  in  Normandy  a  vain,  self-conceit- 
ed, and  ungovernable  young  man. 

His  father,  in  going  back  and  forth  between 
England  and  Normandy,  often  came  into  con- 
flict with  his  son,  as  usual  in  such  cases.  In 
these  contests  Matilda  took  sides  with  the  son. 
"William's  second  son,  whose  name  was  Will- 
iam Rufus,  was  jealous  of  his  older  brother,  and 
was  often  provoked  by  the  overbearing  and  im- 
perious spirit  which  Robert  displayed.  William 
Rufus  thus  naturally  adhered  to  the  father's 
part  in  the  family  feud.  William  Rufus  was 
as  rough  and  turbulent  in  spirit  as  Robert,  but 
he  had  not  been  so  indulged.  He  possessed, 
therefore,  more  self-control ;  he  knew  very  well 
how  to  suppress  his  propensities,  and  conceal 
the  unfavorable  aspects  of  his  character  when 
in  the  presence  of  his  father. 

There  was  a  third  brother,  named  Henry. 
He  was  of  a  more  quiet  and  inoffensive  charac- 


244      William  the  Conqueror. 

William's  son  Henry.  Robert  nicknamed  Short  Boots. 

ter,  and  avoided  taking  an  active  part  in  the 
quarrel,  except  so  far  as  William  Rums  led 
him  on.  He  was  William  Rufus's  friend  and 
companion,  and,  as  such,  Robert  considered  him 
as  his  enemy.  All,  in  fact,  except  Matilda, 
were  against  Robert,  who  looked  down,  in  a 
haughty  and  domineering  manner — as  the  old- 
est son  and  heir  is  very  apt  to  do  in  rich  and 
powerful  families — upon  the  comparative  insig- 
nificance of  his  younger  brethren.  The  king, 
instead  of  restraining  this  imperious  spirit  in 
his  son,  as  he  might,  perhaps,  have  done  by  a 
considerate  and  kind,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
decisive  exercise  of  authority,  teased  and  tor- 
mented him  by  sarcasms  and  petty  vexations. 
Among  other  instances  of  this,  he  gave  him  the 
nickname  of  Short  Boots,  because  he  was  of  in- 
ferior stature.  As  Robert  was,  however,  at  this 
time  of  full  age,  he  was  stung  to  the  quick  at 
having  such  a  stigma  attached  to  him  by  his 
father,  and  his  bosom  burned  with  secret  senti- 
ments of  resentment  and  revenge. 

He  had,  besides,  other  causes  of  complaint 
against  his  father,  more  serious  still.  When  he 
was  a  very  young  child,  his  father,  according  to 
the  custom  of  the  times,  had  espoused  him  to 
the  daughter  and  heiress  of  a  neighboring  earl, 


A.D.  1077.]  Robert's  Rebellion.       245 

Robert's  betrothment.  William's  motives. 

a  child  like  himself.  Her  name  was  Margaret. 
The  earldom  which  this  little  Margaret  was  to 
inherit  was  Maine.  It  was  on  the  frontiers  of 
Normandy,  and  it  was  a  rich  and  valuable  pos- 
session. It  wras  a  part  of  the  stipulation  of  the 
marriage  contract  that  the  young  bride's  do- 
main wTas  to  be  delivered  to  the  father  of  the 
bridegroom,  to  be  held  by  him  until  the  bride- 
groom should  become  of  age,  and  the  marriage 
should  be  fully  consummated.  In  fact,  the  get- 
ting possession  of  this  rich  inheritance,  with  a 
prospect  of  holding  it  so  many  years,  wras  very 
probably  the  principal  end  which  William  had 
in  view  in  contracting  for  a  matrimonial  union 
so  very  premature. 

If  this  was,  in  reality,  William's  plan,  it  re- 
sulted, in  the  end,  even  more  favorably  than  he 
had  anticipated  ;  for  the  little  heiress  died  a 
short  time  after  her  inheritance  w7as  put  into 
the  possession  of  her  father-in-law.  There  was 
nobody  to  demand  a  restoration  of  it,  and  so 
William  continued  to  hold  it  until  his  son,  the 
bridegroom,  became  of  age.  Robert  then  de- 
manded it,  contending  that  it  was  justly  his. 
William  refused  to  surrender  it.  He  maintain- 
ed that  what  had  passed  between  his  son  in  his 
infancy,  and  the  little  Margaret,  was  not  a  mar- 


246      William  the  Conqueror. 

Death  of  Margaret.  More  trouble. 

riage,  but  only  a  betrothment — a  contract  for  a 
future  marriage,  which  was  to  take  place  when 
the  parties  were  of  age — that,  since  Margaret's 
death  prevented  the  consummation  of  the  union, 
Robert  was  never  her  husband,  and  could  not, 
consequently,  acquire  the  rights  of  a  husband. 
The  lands,  therefore,  ought  manifestly,  he  said, 
to  remain  in  the  hands  of  her  guardian,  and 
whatever  rights  any  other  persons  might  have, 
claiming  to  succeed  Margaret  as  her  natural 
heirs,  it  was  plain  that  his  son  could  have  no 
title  whatever. 

However  satisfactory  this  reasoning  might  be 
to  the  mind  of  William,  Robert  was  only  ex- 
asperated by  it.  He  looked  upon  the  case  as 
one  of  extreme  injustice  and  oppression  on  the 
part  of  his  father,  who,  not  content,  he  said, 
with  his  own  enormous  possessions,  must  add 
to  them  by  robbing  his  own  son.  In  this  opin- 
ion Robert's  mother,  Matilda,  agreed  with  him. 
As  for  William  Rufus  and  Henry,  they  paid 
little  attention  to  the  argument,  but  were  pleas- 
ed with  the  result  of  it,  and  highly  enjoyed 
their  brother's  vexation  and  chagrin  in  not  be- 
ing able  to  get  possession  of  his  earldom. 

There  was  another  very  serious  subject  of 
dispute  between  Robert  and  his  father.     It  has 


A.D.  1077.]  Robert's  Rebellion.      247 

Robert's  political  power.  His  ambition. 

already  been  stated,  that  when  the  duke  set 
out  on  his  expedition  for  the  invasion  of  En- 
gland, he  left  Matilda  and  Robert  together  in 
charge  of  the  duchy.  At  the  commencement 
of  the  period  of  his  absence  Robert  was  very 
young,  and  the  actual  power  rested  mainly  in 
his  mother's  hands.  As  he  grew  older,  how- 
ever, he  began  to  exercise  an  increasing  influ- 
ence and  control.  In  fact,  as  he  was  himself 
ambitious  and  aspiring,  and  his  mother  indul- 
gent, the  power  passed  very  rapidly  into  his 
hands.  It  was  eight  years  from  the  time  that 
William  left  Normandy  before  his  power  was 
so  far  settled  and  established  in  England  that 
he  could  again  take  the  affairs  of  his  original 
realm  into  his  hands.  He  had  left  Robert,  at 
that  time,  a  mere  boy  of  fourteen,  who,  though 
rude  and  turbulent  in  character,  was  still  polit- 
ically powerless.  He  found  him,  on  his  return, 
a  man  of  twenty-two,  ruder  and  more  turbulent 
than  before,  and  in  the  full  possession  of  polit- 
ical power.  This  power,  too,  he  found  him 
very  unwilling  to  surrender. 

In  fact,  when  "William  came  to  receive  back 
the  province  of  Normandy  again,  Robert  almost 
refused  to  surrender  it.  He  said  that  his  father 
had  always  promised  him  the  duchy  of  Nor- 


248      Willi  a-  m  the  Conqueror. 

Robert  claims  Normandy.  William  refuses  it. 

mandy  as  his  domain  so  soon  as  he  should  he- 
come  of  age,  and  he  claimed  now  the  fulfillment 
of  this  promise.  Besides,  he  said  that,  now 
that  his  father  was  King  of  England,  his  former 
realm  was  of  no  consequence  to  him.  It  did 
not  add  sensibly  to  his  influence  or  his  power, 
and  he  might,  therefore,  without  suffering  any 
sensible  loss  himself,  grant  it  to  his  son.  Will- 
iam, on  his  part,  did  not  acknowledge  the  force 
of  either  of  these  arguments.  He  would  not 
admit  that  he  had  ever  promised  Normandy  to 
Ins  son  ;  and  as  to  voluntarily  relinquishing  any 
part  of  his  possessions,  he  had  no  faith  in  the 
policy  of  a  man's  giving  up  his  power  or  his 
property  to  his  children  until  they  were  justly 
entitled  to  inherit  it  by  his  death ;  at  any  rate, 
he  should  not  do  it.  He  had  no  idea,  as  he  ex- 
pressed it,  "  of  putting  off  his  clothes  before  he 
was  going  to  bed." 

The  irritation  and  ill-will  which  these  dissen- 
sions produced  grew  deeper  and  more  inveterate 
every  day,  though  the  disagreement  had  been 
thus  far  a  private  and  domestic  dispute,  con- 
fined, in  its  influence,  to  the  king's  immediate 
household.  An  occasion,  however,  now  occur- 
red, on  which  the  private  family  feud  broke  out 
into  an  open  public  quarrel.  The  circumstances 
were  these : 


AJ).  1076.]  Robert's  Rebellion.      249 

Castle  at  L'Aigle.  Quarrel  between  Robert  and  William  Rufus. 

King  William  had  a  castle  in  Normandy,  at 
a  place  called  L'Aigle.  He  was  spending  some 
time  there,  in  the  year  1076,  with  his  court  and 
family.  One  day  William  Rufus  and  Henry 
were  in  one  of  the  upper  apartments  of  the  cas- 
tle, playing  with  dice,  and  amusing  themselves, 
in  company  with  other  young  men  of  the  court, 
in  various  ways.  There  was  a  window  in  the 
apartment  leading  out  upon  a  balcony,  from 
which  one  might  look  down  upon  the  court-yard 
of  the  castle  below.  Robert  was  in  this  court- 
yard with  some  of  his  companions,  walking 
there  in  an  irritated  state  of  mind,  which  had 
been  produced  by  some  previous  disputes  with 
his  brothers.  William  Rufus  looked  down  from 
the  balcony  and  saw  him,  and  by  way,  perhaps, 
of  quenching  his  anger,  poured  some  water 
down  upon  him.  The  deed  changed  the  sup- 
pressed and  silent  irritation  in  Robert's  heart  to 
a  perfect  phrensy  of  rage  and  revenge.  He 
drew  his  sword  and  sprang  to  the  stair-case. 
He  uttered  loud  and  terrible  imprecations  as  he 
went,  declaring  that  he  would  kill  the  author 
of  such  an  insult,  even  if  he  ivas  his  brother. 
The  court-yard  was,  of  course,  immediately 
filled  with  shouts  and  exclamations  of  alarm, 
and   every  body  pressed  forward   toward  the 


250      William  the  Conqueror. 

The  combatants  parted.  Robert's  rage. 

room  from  which  the  water  had  been  thrown, 
some  to  witness,  and  some  to  prevent  the  affray. 

The  king  himself,  who  happened  to  he  in  that 
part  of  the  castle  at  the  time,  was  one  of  the 
number.  He  reached  the  apartment  just  in 
time  to  interpose  between  his  sons,  and  prevent 
the  commission  of  the  awful  crime  of  fratri- 
cide. As  it  was,  he  found  it  extremely  diffi- 
cult to  part  the  ferocious  combatants.  It  re- 
quired all  his  paternal  authority,  and  not  a  little 
actual  force,  to  arrest  the  affray.  He  succeeded, 
however,  at  length,  with  the  help  of  the  by-stand- 
ers,  in  parting  his  sons,  and  Robert,  out  of 
breath,  and  pale  with  impotent  rage,  was  led 
away. 

Robert  considered  his  father  as  taking  sides 
against  him  in  this  quarrel,  and  he  declared 
that  he  could  not,  and  would  not,  endure  such 
treatment  any  longer.  He  found  some  sym- 
pathy in  the  conversation  of  his  mother,  to 
whom  he  went  immediately  with  bitter  com- 
plainings. She  tried  to  soothe  and  quiet  his 
wounded  spirit,  but  he  would  not  be  pacified. 
He  spent  the  afternoon  and  evening  in  organ- 
izing a  party  of  wild  and  desperate  young  men 
from  among  the  nobles  of  the  court,  with  a  view 
of  raising  a  rebellion  against  his  father,  and  get- 


A.D.  1076.]  Robert's  Rebellion.       2ol 

Robert's  rebellion.  Anxiety  and  distress  of  Matilda. 

ting  possession  of  Normandy  by  force.  They 
kept  their  designs  profoundly  secret,  but  prepared 
to  leave  L'Aigle  that  night,  to  go  and  seize 
Rouen,  the  capital,  which  they  hoped  to  sur- 
prise into  a  surrender.  Accordingly,  in  the 
middle  of  the  night,  the  desperate  troop  mount- 
ed their  horses  and  rode  away.  In  the  morning 
the  king  found  that  they  were  gone,  and  he 
sent  an  armed  force  after  them.  Their  plan  of 
surprising  Rouen  failed.  The  king's  detach- 
ment overtook  them,  and,  after  a  sharp  contest, 
succeeded  in  capturing  a  few  of  the  rebels, 
though  Robert  himself,  accompanied  by  some 
of  the  more  desperate  of  his  followers,  escaped 
over  the  frontier  into  a  neighboring  province, 
where  he  sought  refuge  in  the  castle  of  one  of 
his  father's  enemies. 

This  result,  as  might  have  been  expected, 
filled  the  mind  of  Matilda  with  anxiety  and 
distress.  A  civil  war  between  her  husband  and 
her  son  was  now  inevitable ;  and  while  every 
consideration  of  prudence  and  of  duty  required 
her  to  espouse  the  father's  cause,  her  maternal 
love,  a  principle  stronger  far,  in  most  cases, 
than  prudence  and  duty  combined,  drew  her 
irresistibly  toward  her  son.  Robert  collected 
around  him  all  the  discontented  and  desperate 


252      William  the  Conqueror. 

Measures  of  Matilda.  Advantages  of  William. 

spirits  of  the  realm,  and  for  a  long  time  con- 
tinued to  make  his  father  infinite  trouble. 
Matilda,  while  she  forbore  to  advocate  his  cause 
openly  in  the  presence  of  the  king,  kept  up  a 
secret  communication  with  him.  She  sent  him 
information  and  advice  from  time  to  time,  and 
sometimes  supplies,  and  was  thus,  technically, 
guilty  of  a  great  crime—the  crime  of  maintain- 
ing a  treasonable  correspondence  with  a  rebel. 
In  a  moral  point  of  view,  however,  her  conduct 
may  have  been  entirely  right;  at  any  rate,  its 
influence  was  very  salutary,  for  she  did  all  in 
her  power  to  restrain  both  the  father  and  the 
son ;  and  by  the  influence  which  she  thus  ex- 
erted, she  doubtless  mitigated  very  much  the 
fierceness  of  the  struggle. 

Of  course,  the  advantage,  in  such  a  civil  war 
as  this,  would  be  wholly  on  the  side  of  the 
sovereign.  William  had  all  the  power  and  re- 
sources of  the  kingdom  in  his  own  hands — the 
army,  the  towns,  the  castles,  the  treasures. 
Robert  had  a  troop  of  wild,  desperate,  and  un- 
manageable outlaws,  without  authority,  with- 
out money,  without  a  sense  of  justice  on  their 
side.  He  gradually  became  satisfied  that  the 
contest  was  vain.  In  proportion  as  the  activity 
of  the  hostilities  diminished,  Matilda  became 


A.D.  1076.]  Robert's  Rebellion.      253 

Robert  lays  down  his  arms.  Interview  with  his  father. 

more  and  more  open  in  her  efforts  to  restrain  it, 
and  to  allay  the  animosity  on  either  side.  She 
succeeded,  finally,  in  inducing  Robert  to  lay 
down  his  arms,  and  then  brought  about  an  in- 
terview between  the  parties,  in  hopes  of  a  peace- 
ful settlement  of  the  quarrel. 

It  appeared  very  soon,  however,  at  this  in- 
terview, that  there  was  no  hope  of  any  thing 
like  a  real  and  cordial  reconciliation.  Though 
both  the  father  and  son  had  become  weary  of 
the  unnatural  war  which  they  had  waged 
against  each  other,  yet  the  ambitious  and  self- 
ish desires  on  both  sides,  in  which  the  contest 
had  originated,  remained  unchanged.  Robert 
began  the  conference  by  imperiously  demanding 
of  his  father  the  fulfillment  of  his  promise  to 
give  him  the  government  of  Normandy.  His 
father  replied  by  reproaching  him  with  his  un- 
natural and  wicked  rebellion,  and  warned  him 
of  the  danger  he  incurred,  in  imitating  the  ex- 
ample of  Absalom,  of  sharing  that  wretched 
rebel's  fate.  Robert  rejoined  that  he  did  not 
come  to  meet  his  father  for  the  sake  of  hearing 
a  sermon  preached.  He  had  had  enough  of 
sermons,  he  said,  when  he  was  a  boy,  studying 
grammar.  He  wanted  his  father  to  do  him 
justice,  not  preach  to  him.     The  king  said  that 


254      William  the  Conqueror. 

Recriminations.  The  interview  fruitless. 

he  should  never  divide  his  dominions,  while  he 
lived,  with  any  one ;  and  added,  notwithstand- 
ing what  Robert  had  contemptuously  said  about 
sermons,  that  the  Scripture  declared  that  a 
house  divided  against  itself  could  not  stand. 
He  then  proceeded  to  reproach  and  incriminate 
the  prince  in  the  severest  manner  for  his  dis- 
loyalty as  a  subject,  and  his  undutifulness  and 
ingratitnde  as  a  son.  It  was  intolerable,  he 
said,  that  a  son  should  become  the  rival  and 
bitterest  enemy  of  his  father,  when  it  was  to 
him  that  he  owed,  not  merely  all  that  he  en- 
joyed, but  his  very  existence  itself. 

These  reproaches  were  probably  uttered  in 
an  imperious  and  angry  manner,  and  with  that 
spirit  of  denunciation  which  only  irritates  the 
accused  and  arouses  his  resentment,  instead  of 
awakening  feelings  of  penitence  and  contrition. 
At  any  rate,  the  thought  of  his  filial  ingrati- 
tude, as  his  father  presented  it,  produced  no  re- 
lenting in  Robert's  mind.  He  abruptly  term- 
inated the  interview,  and  went  out  of  his  fa- 
ther's presence  in  a  rage. 

In  spite  of  all  his  mother's  exertions  and  en- 
treaties, he  resolved  to  leave  the  country  once 
more.  He  said  he  would  rather  be  an  exile, 
and  wander  homeless  in  foreign  lands,  than  to 


A.D.  1077.]  Robert's  Rebellion.     255 

Robert  goes  to  Flanders.  His  treasonable  correspondence. 

remain  in  his  father's  court,  and  be  treated  in 
so  unjust  and  ignominious  a  manner,  by  one 
who  was  bound  by  the  strongest  possible  obli- 
gations to  be  his  best  and  truest  friend.  Ma- 
tilda could  not  induce  him  to  change  this  de- 
termination ;  and,  accordingly,  taking  with  him 
a  few  of  the  most  desperate  and  dissolute  of  his 
companions,  he  went  northward,  crossed  the 
frontier,  and  sought  refuge  in  Flanders.  Flan- 
ders, it  will  be  recollected,  was  Matilda's  native 
land.  Her  brother  was  the  Earl  of  Flanders  at 
this  time.  The  earl  received  young  Robert 
very  cordially,  both  for  his  sister's  sake,  and 
also,  probably,  in  some  degree,  as  a  means  of 
petty  hostility  against  King  William,  his  pow- 
erful neighbor,  whose  glory  and  good  fortune 
he  envied. 

Robert  had  not  the  means  or  the  resources 
necessary  for  renewing  an  open  war  with  his 
father,  but  his  disposition  to  do  this  was  as 
strong  as  ever,  and  he  began  immediately  to 
open  secret  communications  and  correspondence 
with  all  the  nobles  and  barons  in  Normandy 
whom  he  thought  disposed  to  espouse  his  cause. 
He  succeeded  in  inducing  them  to  make  secret 
contributions  of  funds  to  supply  his  pecuniary 
wants,  of  course  promising  to  repay  them  with 


256      William  the  Conqueror. 

Action  of  Philip.  He  sides  with  Robert. 

ample  grants  and  rewards  so  soon  as  he  should 
obtain  his  rights.  He  maintained  similar  com- 
munications, too,  with  Matilda,  though  she  kept 
them  very  profoundly  secret  from  her  husband. 
Robert  had  other  friends  besides  those  whom 
he  found  thus  furtively  in  Normandy.  The 
King  of  France  himself  was  much  pleased  at 
the  breaking  out  of  this  terrible  feud  in  the 
family  of  his  neighbor,  who,  from  being  his  de- 
pendent and  vassal,  had  become,  by  his  con- 
quest of  England,  his  great  competitor  and  rival 
in  the  estimation  of  mankind.  Philip  was  dis- 
posed to  rejoice  at  any  occurrences  which  tend- 
ed to  tarnish  William's  glory,  or  which  threat- 
ened a  division  and  diminution  of  his  power. 
He  directed  his  agents,  therefore,  both  in  Nor- 
mandy and  in  Flanders,  to  encourage  and  pro- 
mote the  dissension  by  every  means  in  their 
power.  He  took  great  care  not  to  commit  him- 
self by  any  open  and  positive  promises  of  aid, 
and  yet  still  he  contrived,  by  a  thousand  indi- 
rect means,  to  encourage  Robert  to  expect  it. 
Thus  the  mischief  was  widened  and  extended, 
while  yet  nothing  effectual  was  done  toward 
organizing  an  insurrection.  In  fact,  Robert  had 
neither  the  means  nor  the  mental  capacity  nec- 
essary for  maturing  and  carrying  into  effect  any 


AJX1077.]  Robert's  Rebellion.      257 

Robert's  dissipation.  Matilda  sends  him  supplies. 

actual  plan  of  rebellion.  In  the  mean  time, 
months  passed  away,  and  as  nothing  effectual 
was  done,  Robert's  adherents  in  Normandy  be- 
came gradually  discouraged.  They  ceased  their 
contributions,  and  gradually  forgot  their  absent 
and  incompetent  leader.  Robert  spent  his  time 
in  dissipation  and  vice,  squandering  in  feasts 
and  in  the  company  of  abandoned  men  and 
women  the  means  which  his  followers  sent  him 
to  enable  him  to  prepare  for  the  war ;  and  when, 
at  last,  these  supplies  failed  him,  he  would  have 
been  reduced  gradually  to  great  distress  and 
destitution,  were  it  not  that  one  faithful  and 
devoted  friend  still  adhered  to  him.  That  friend 
was  his  mother. 

Matilda  knew  very  well  that  whatever  she 
did  for  her  absent  son  must  be  done  in  the  most 
clandestine  manner,  and  this  required  much 
stratagem  and  contrivance  on  her  part.  She 
was  aided,  however,  in  her  efforts  at  conceal- 
ment by  her  husband's  absence.  He  was  now 
for  a  time  in  England,  having  been  called  there 
by  some  pressing  demands  of  public  duty.  He 
left  a  great  minister  of  state  in  charge  of  Nor- 
mandy, whose  vigilance  Matilda  thought  it 
would  be  comparatively  easy  to  elude.  She 
sent  to  Robert,  in  Flanders,  first  her  own  pri- 
R 


258      William  the  Conqueror. 

Matilda's  secret  supplies.  She  is  discovered. 

vate  funds.  Then  she  employed  for  this  pur- 
pose a  portion  of  such  public  funds  as  came 
into  her  hands.  The  more  she  sent,  however, 
the  more  frequent  and  imperious  were  Robert's 
demands  for  fresh  supplies.  The  resources  of  a 
mother,  whether  great  or  small,  are  always  soon 
exhausted  by  the  insatiable  requirements  of  a 
dissolute  and  profligate  son.  When  Matilda's 
money  was  gone,  she  sold  her  jewels,  then  her 
more  expensive  clothes,  and,  finally,  such  ob- 
jects of  value,  belonging  to  herself  or  to  her 
husband,  as  could  be  most  easily  and  privately 
disposed  of.  The  minister,  who  was  very  faith- 
ful and  watchful  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties, 
observed  indications  that  something  mysterious 
was  going  on.  His  suspicions  were  aroused. 
He  watched  Matilda's  movements,  and  soon  dis- 
covered the  truth.  He  sent  information  to 
William.  William  could  not  believe  it  possi- 
ble that  his  minister's  surmises  could  be  true ; 
for  William  was  simply  a  statesman  and  a  sol- 
dier, and  had  very  inadequate  ideas  of  the  ab- 
sorbing and  uncontrollable  power  which  is  ex- 
ercised by  the  principle  oi  maternal  love. 

He,  however,  determined  immediately  to  take 
most  efficient  measures  to  ascertain  the  truth. 
He  returned  to  Normandy,  and  there  he  sue- 


A.D.1077.]  Robert's  Rebellion.      259 

Matilda's  messenger  seized.  William's  reproaches. 

ceeded  in  intercepting  one  of  Matilda's  messen- 
gers on  his  way  to  Flanders,  with  communica- 
tions and  money  for  Robert.  The  name  of  this 
messenger  was  Sampson.  William  seized  the 
money  and  the  letters,  and  sent  the  messenger 
to  one  of  his  castles,  to  be  shut  up  in  a  dun- 
geon. Then,  with  the  proofs  of  guilt  which  he 
had  thus  obtained,  he  went,  full  of  astonish- 
ment and  anger,  to  find  Matilda,  and  to  up- 
braid her,  as  he  thought  she  deserved,  for  her 
base  and  ungrateful  betrayal  of  her  husband. 

The  reproaches  which  he  addressed  to  her 
were  bitter  and  stern,  though  they  seem  to  have 
been  spoken  in  a  tone  of  sorrow  rather  than  of 
anger.  "  I  am  sure,"  he  said,  "  I  have  ever 
been  to  you  a  faithful  and  devoted  husband.  I 
do  not  know  what  more  you  could  have  desired 
than  I  have  done.  I  have  loved  you  with  a  sin- 
cere and  true  affection.  I  have  honored  you. 
I  have  placed  you  in  the  highest  positions,  in- 
trusting you  repeatedly  with  large  shares  of  my 
own  sovereign  power.  I  have  confided  in  you 
- — committing  my  most  essential  and  vital  in- 
terests to  your  charge.  And  now  this  is  the 
return.  You  employ  the  very  position,  and 
powTer,  and  means  which  your  confiding  hus- 
band has  put  into  your  hands,  to  betray  him  in 


260      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Matilda's  reply.  William's  anger. 

the  most  cruel  way,  and  to  aid  and  encourage 
his  worst  and  most  dangerous  enemy." 

To  these  reproaches  Matilda  attempted  no 
reply,  except  to  plead  the  irresistible  impetuos- 
ity and  strength  of  her  maternal  love.  "  I 
could  not  hear,"  she  said,  "to  leave  Robert  in 
distress  and  suffering  while  I  had  any  possible 
means  of  relieving  him.  He  is  my  child.  I 
think  of  him  all  the  time.  I  love  him  more 
than  my  life.  I  solemnly  declare  to  you,  that 
if  he  were  now  dead,  and  I  could  restore  him  to 
life  by  dying  for  him,  I  would  most  gladly  do 
it.  How,  then,  do  you  suppose  that  I  could 
possibly  live  here  in  abundance  and  luxury, 
while  he  was  wandering  homeless,  in  destitu- 
tion and  w7ant,  and  not  try  to  relieve  him  ? 
Whether  it  is  right  or  wrong  for  me  to  feel  so, 
I  do  not  know  ;  but  this  I  know,  I  must  feel  so  : 
I  can  not  help  it.  He  is  our  first-born  son ;  I 
can  not  abandon  him." 

William  went  awray  from  the  presence  of  Ma- 
tilda full  of  resentment  and  anger.  Of  course 
he  could  do  nothing  in  respecf  to  her  but  re- 
proach her,  but  he  determined  that  the  un- 
lucky Sampson  should  suffer  severely  for  the 
crime.  He  sent  orders  to  the  castle  where  he 
lay  immured,  requiring  that  his  eyes  should  be 


A.D.1077.]  Robert's  Rebellion.      261 

Sampson's  escape.  Things  grow  worse. 

put  out.  Matilda,  however,  discovered  the  dan- 
ger which  threatened  her  messenger  in  time  to 
send  him  warning.  He  contrived  to  make  his 
escape,  and  fled  to  a  certain  monastery  which 
was  under  Matilda's  special  patronage  and 
charge.  A  monastery  was,  in  those  days,  a 
sanctuary  into  which  the  arm  even  of  the  most 
despotic  authority  scarcely  dared  to  intrude  in 
pursuit  of  its  victim.  To  make  the  safety 
doubly  sure,  the  abbot  proposed  that  the  trem- 
bling fugitive  should  join  their  order  and  be- 
come a  monk.  Sampson  was  willing  to  do  any 
thing  to  save  his  life.  The  operation  of  putting 
out  the  eyes  was  very  generally  fatal,  so  that 
he  considered  his  life  at  stake.  He  was,  ac- 
cordingly, shaven  and  shorn,  and  clothed  in  the 
monastic  garb.  He  assumed  the  vows  of  the 
order,  and  entered,  with  his  brother  monks, 
upon  the  course  of  fastings,  penances,  and  pray- 
ers which  pertained  to  his  new  vocation ;  and 
"William  left  him  to  pursue  it  in  peace. 

Tilings  went  on  worse  instead  of  better  after 
this  discovery  of  the  mother's  participation  hi 
the  councils  of  the  son.  Either  through  the  aid 
which  his  mother  had  rendered,  or  by  other 
means,  there  seemed  to  be  a  strong  party  in 
and  out  of  Normandy  who  were  inclined  to  es- 


262      William  the  Conqueror. 

Preparations  for  war.  Matilda's  distress. 


pouse  Robert's  cause.  His  friends,  at  length, 
raised  a'  very  considerable  army,  and  putting 
him  at  the  head  of  it,  they  advanced  to  attack 
Rouen.  The  king,  greatly  alarmed  at  this 
danger,  collected  all  the  forces  that  he  could 
command,  and  went  to  meet  his  rebel  son. 
William  Rufus  accompanied  his  father,  intend- 
ing to  fight  by  his  side ;  while  Matilda,  in  an 
agony  of  terror  and  distress,  remained,  half  dis- 
tracted, within  her  castle  walls — as  a  wife  and 
mother  might  be  expected  to  be,  on  the  approach 
of  a  murderous  conflict  between  her  husband 
and  her  son.  The  thought  that  one  of  them 
might,  perhaps,  be  actually  killed  by  the  other, 
filled  her  with  dismay. 

And,  in  fact,  this  dreadful  result  came  very 
near  being  realized.  Robert,  in  the  castle  at 
L'Aigle,  had  barely  been  prevented  from  de- 
stroying his  brother,  and  now,  on  the  plain  of 
Archembraye,  where  this  battle  was  fought,  his 
father  fell,  and  was  very  near  being  killed,  by 
his  hand.  In  the  midst  of  the  fight,  while  the 
horsemen  were  impetuously  charging  each  other 
in  various  parts  of  the  field,  all  so  disguised  by 
their  armor  that  no  one  could  know  the  indi- 
vidual with  whom  he  was  contending,  Robert 
encountered  a  large  and  powerful  knight,  and 


A.D.1077.]  Robert's  Rebellion.       263 

William  wounded  by  his  son.  The  battle  goes  against  him. 

drove  his  lance  through  his  armor  into  his  arm. 
Through  the  shock  of  the  encounter  and  the 
faintness  produced  by  the  agony  of  the  wound, 
the  horseman  fell  to  the  ground,  and  Robert 
perceived,  by  the  voice  with  which  his  fallen 
enemy  cried  out  in  his  pain  and  terror,  that  it 
was  his  father  that  he  had  thus  pierced  with 
his  steel.  At  the  same  moment,  the  wounded 
father,  in  looking  at  his  victorious  antagonist, 
recognized  his  son.  He  cursed  his  unnatural 
enemy  with  a  bitter  and  terrible  malediction. 
Robert  was  shocked  and  terrified  at  wThat  he 
had  done.  He  leaped  from  his  horse,  knelt 
down  by  the  side  of  his  father,  and  called  for 
aid.  The  king,  distracted  by  the  anguish  of 
his  wound,  and  by  the  burning  indignation  and 
resentment  which  raged  in  his  bosom  against 
the  unnatural  hostility  which  inflicted  it,  turned 
away  from  his  son,  and  refused  to  receive  any 
succor  from  him. 

Besides  the  misfortune  of  being  unhorsed 
and  wounded,  the  battle  itself  went  that  day 
against  the  king.  Robert's  army  remained 
masters  of  the  field.  William  Rufus  was 
wounded  too,  as  well  as  his  father.  Matilda 
was  overwhelmed  with  distress  and  mental  an- 
guish at  the  result.     She  could  not  endure  the 


264      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Matilda's  anguish.  The  reconciliation. 

idea  of  allowing  so  unnatural  and  dreadful  a 
struggle  to  go  on.  She  begged  her  husband, 
with  the  most  earnest  importunities  and  with 
many  tears,  to  find  some  way  of  accommodating 
the  dispute.  Her  nights  were  sleepless,  her 
days  were  spent  in  weeping,  and  her  health  and 
strength  were  soon  found  to  be  wasting  very 
rapidly  away.  She  was  emaciated,  wan,  and 
pale,  and  it  was  plain  that  such  distress,  if  long 
continued,  would  soon  bring  her  to  the  grave. 

Matilda's  intercessions  at  length  prevailed. 
The  king  sent  for  his  son,  and,  after  various 
negotiations,  some  sort  of  compromise  was  ef- 
fected. The  armies  were  disbanded,  peace  was 
restored,  and  Robert  and  his  father  once  more 
seemed  to  be  friends.  Soon  after  this,  William, 
having  a  campaign  to  make  in  the  north  of  En- 
gland, took  Robert  with  him  as  one  of  the  gen- 
erals in  his  army. 


A.D.  1078.]  The    Conclusion.  265 

William's  reisrn  in  England.  His  difficulties. 


Chapter    XII. 
The    Conclusion. 

FROM  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Hastings, 
which  took  place  in  1066,  to  that  of  Will- 
iam's death,  which  occurred  in  1087,  there  in- 
tervened a  period  of  about  twenty  years,  during 
which  the  great  monarch  reigned  over  his  ex- 
tended  dominions  with  a  very  despotic  sway, 
though  not  without  a  large  share  of  the  usual 
dangers,  difficulties,  and  struggles  attending 
such  a  rule.  He  brought  over  immense  num- 
bers of  Normans  from  Normandy  into  England, 
and  placed  all  the  military  and  civil  power  of 
the  empire  in  their  hands  ;  and  he  relied  almost 
entirely  upon  the  superiority  of  his  physical 
force  for  keeping  the  country  in  subjugation  to 
his  sway.  It  is  true,  he  maintained  that  he 
wTas  the  rightful  heir  to  the  English  crown,  and 
that,  consequently,  the  tenure  by  which  he  held 
it  was  the  right  of  inheritance,  and  not  the  right 
of  conquest;  and  he  professed  to  believe  that 
the  people  of  England  generally  admitted  his 
claim.     This  was,  in  fact,  to  a  considerable  ex- 


266      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Feelings  of  the  English  people.  Rebellions. 

tent,  true.  At  least  there  was  probably  a  large 
part  of  the  population  who  believed  William's 
right  to  the  crown  superior  to  that  of  Harold, 
whom  he  had  deposed.  Still,  as  "William  was 
by  birth,  and  education,  and  language  a  foreign- 
er, and  as  all  the  friends  and  followers  who  at- 
tended him,  and,  in  fact,  almost  the  whole  of 
the  army,  on  which  he  mainly  relied  for  the 
preservation  of  his  power,  were  foreigners  too 
— wearing  a  strange  dress,  and  speaking  in  an 
unknown  tongue — the  great  mass  of  the  En- 
glish people  could  not  but  feel  that  they  were 
under  a  species  of  foreign  subjugation.  Quar- 
rels were  therefore  continually  breaking  out  be- 
tween them  and  their  Norman  masters,  result- 
ing in  fierce  and  bloody  struggles,  on  their  part, 
to  get  free.  These  rebellions  were  always  ef- 
fectually put  down ;  but  when  quelled  in  one 
quarter  they  soon  broke  out  in  another,  and 
they  kept  "William  and  his  forces  almost  always 
employed. 

But  William  was  not  a  mere  warrior.  He 
was  well  aware  that  the  permanence  and  sta- 
bility of  his  own  and  his  successor's  sway  in 
England  would  depend  finally  upon  the  kind 
of  basis  on  which  the  civil  institutions  of  the 
country  should  rest,  and  on  the  proper  consolida- 


A.D.1078.]  The  Conclusion.  267 

Amalgamation  of  the  English  and  Normans.  William's  labors. 

tion  and  adjustment  of  the  administrative  and 
judicial  functions  of  the  realm.  In  the  inter- 
vals of  his  campaigns,  therefore,  "William  de- 
voted a  great  deal  of  time  and  attention  to  this 
subject,  and  he  evinced  a  most  profound  and 
statesmanlike  wisdom  and  sagacity  in  his  man- 
ner of  treating  it. 

He  had,  in  fact,  a  Herculean  task  to  perform 
— a  double  task — viz.,  to  amalgamate  two  na- 
tions, and  also  to  fuse  and  merge  two  lan- 
guages into  one.  He  w7as  absolutely  compel- 
led, by  the  circumstances  under  which  he  was 
placed,  to  grapple  with  both  these  vast  under- 
takings. If,  at  the  time  when,  in  his  park  at 
Rouen,  he  first  heard  of  Harold's  accession,  he 
had  supposed  that  there  was  a  party  in  England 
in  his  favor  strong  enough  to  allow  of  his  pro- 
ceeding there  alone,  or  with  a  small  Norman 
attendance,  so  that  he  might  rely  mainly  on 
the  English  themselves  for  his  accession  to  the 
throne,  the  formidable  difficulties  which,  as  it 
was,  he  had  subsequently  to  encounter,  would 
all  have  been  saved.  But  there  was  no  such 
party — at  least  there  was  no  evidence  that 
there  was  one  of  sufficient  strength  to  justify 
him  in  trusting  himself  to  it.  It  seemed  to 
him,  then,  that  if  he  undertook  to  gain  posses- 


268      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Necessity  of  bringing  a  large  Norman  force.  Providing  for  them. 

sion  of  the  English  throne  at  all,  he  must  rely- 
entirely  on  the  force  which  he  could  take  with 
him  from  Normandy.  To  make  this  reliance 
effectual,  the  force  so  taken  must  he  an  over- 
whelming one.  Then,  if  Normans  in  great 
numbers  were  to  go  to  England  for  the  purpose 
of  putting  him  upon  the  English  throne,  they 
must  be  rewarded,  and  so  vast  a  number  of 
candidates  for  the  prizes  of  honor  and  wealth 
could  be  satisfied  only  in  England,  and  by  con- 
fiscations there.  His  possessions  in  Normandy 
would  obviously  be  insufficient  for  such  a  pur- 
pose. It  was  evident,  moreover,  that  if  a  large 
number  of  Norman  adventurers  were  placed  in 
stations  of  trust  and  honor,  and  charged  with 
civil  offices  and  administrative  functions  all 
over  England,  they  would  form  a  sort  of  class 
by  themselves,  and  would  be  looked  upon  with 
jealousy  and  envy  by  the  original  inhabitants, 
and  that  there  was  no  hope  of  maintaining 
them  safely  in  their  position  except  by  making 
the  class  as  numerous  and  as  strong  as  possible. 
In  a  word,  William  saw  very  clearly  that,  while 
it  would  have  been  very  well,  if  it  had  been 
possible,  for  him  to  have  brought  no  Normans 
to  England,  it  was  clearly  best,  since  so  many 
must  go,  to  contrive  every  means  to  swell  and 


A.D.1078.]  The  Conclusion.  269 

The  British  realm  Normanized.  O  yes  !  O  yes  !  O  yes  ! 

increase  the  number.  It  was  one  of  those  cases 
where,  being  obliged  to  go  far,  it  is  best  to  go 
farther  ;  and  William  resolved  on  thoroughly 
Normanizing,  so  to  speak,  the  whole  British 
realm.  This  enormous  undertaking  he  accom- 
plished fully  and  permanently ;  and  the  institu- 
tions of  England,  the  lines  of  family  descent, 
the  routine  of  judicial  and  administrative  busi- 
ness, and  the  very  language  of  the  realm,  retain 
the  Norman  characteristics  which  he  ingrafted 
into  them  to  the  present  day. 

It  gives  us  a  feeling  akin  to  that  of  sublimity 
to  find,  even  in  our  own  land,  and  in  the  most 
remote  situations  of  it,  the  lingering  relics  of 
the  revolutions  and  deeds  of  these  early  ages, 
still  remaining,  like  a  faint  ripple  rolling  gen- 
tly upon  a  beach  in  a  deep  and  secluded  bay, 
which  was  set  in  motion,  perhaps,  at  first,  as 
one  of  the  mountainous  surges  of  a  wintery 
storm  in  the  most  distant  seas.  For  example, 
if  we  enter  the  most  humble  court  in  any  re- 
mote and  newly-settled  country  in  the  American 
forests,  a  plain  and  rustic-looking  man  will  call 
the  equally  rustic-looking  assembly  to  order  by 
rapping  his  baton,  the  only  symbol  of  his  office, 
on  the  floor,  and  calling  out,  in  words  mystic 
and  meaningless  to  him,  "  0  yes !   0  yes !   0 


270      William  the  Conqueror. 

Relics  of  the  past.  Their  future  preservation. 

yes  !-"*  He  little  thinks  that  he  is  obeying  a 
behest  of  William  the  Conqueror,  issued  eight 
hundred  years  ago,  ordaining  that  his  native 
tongue  should  be  employed  in  the  courts  of  En- 
gland. The  irresistible  progress  of  improve- 
ment and  reform  have  gradually  displaced  the 
intruding  language  again — except  so  far  as  it 
has  become  merged  and  incorporated  with  the 
common  language  of  the  country — from  all  the 
ordinary  forms  of  legal  proceedings.  It  lingers 
still,  however,  as  it  were,  on  the  threshold,  in 
this  call  to  order ;  and  as  it  is  harmless  there, 
the  spirit  of  conservatism  will,  perhaps,  preserve 
for  it  this  last  place  of  refuge  for  a  thousand 
years  to  come,  and  "  O  yes"  will  be  the  phrase 
for  ordaining  silence  by  many  generations  of 
officers,  who  will,  perhaps,  never  have  heard  of 
the  authority  whose  orders  they  unwittingly 
obey. 

The  work  of  incorporating  the  Norman  and 
English  families  with  one  another,  and  fusing 
the  two  languages  into  one,  required  about  a 
century  for  its  full  accomplishment ;  and  when 
at  last  it  was  accomplished,  the  people  of  En- 
gland were  somewhat  puzzled  to  know  whether 

*  Oyez!    Oyez!    Oyez!     Norman  French  for  Hearken! 
hearken!  hearken! 


A.D.1078.]   The  Conclusion.  271 

Point  of  view  in  which  the  Norman  Conquest  is  regarded. 

they  ought  to  feel  proud  of  William's  exploits 
in  the  conquest  of  England,  or  humiliated  by 
them.  So  far  as  they  were  themselves  de- 
scended from  the  Normans,  the  conquest  was 
one  of  the  glorious  deeds  of  their  ancestors.  So 
far  as  they  were  of  English  parentage,  it  would 
seem  to  be  incumbent  on  them  to  mourn  over 
their  fathers'  defeat.  It  is  obvious  that  from 
such  a  species  of  perplexity  as  this  there  was 
no  escape,  and  it  has  accordingly  continued  to 
embarrass  the  successive  generations  of  En- 
glishmen down  to  the  present  day.  The  Nor- 
man Conquest  occupies,  therefore,  a  very  uncer- 
tain and  equivocal  position  in  English  history, 
the  various  modern  writers  who  look  back  to  it 
now  being  hardly  able  to  determine  whether 
they  are  to  regard  it  as  a  mortifying  subjuga- 
tion which  their  ancestors  suffered,  or  a  glori- 
ous victory  which  they  gained. 

One  of  the  great  measures  of  William's  reign, 
and  one,  in  fact,  for  which  it  has  been  particu- 
larly famous  in  modern  times,  was  a  grand  cen- 
sus or  registration  of  the  kingdom,  which  the 
Conqueror  ordered  with  a  view  of  having  on 
record  a  perfect  enumeration  and  description  of 
all  the  real  and  personal  property  in  the  king- 
dom.    This  grand  national  survey  was  made  in 


272      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Domesday  Book.  Its  great  obscurity. 

1078.  The  result  was  recorded  in  two  volumes 
of  different  sizes,  which  were  called  the  Grreat 
and  the  Little  Domesday  Book.  These  hooks 
are  still  preserved,  and  are  to  this  day  of  the 
very  highest  authority  in  respect  to  all  ques- 
tions touching  ancient  rights  of  property.  One 
is  a  folio,  and  the  other  a  quarto  volume.  The 
records  are  written  on  vellum,  in  a  close,  abridg- 
ed, and,  to  ordinary  readers,  a  perfectly  unintel- 
ligible character.  The  language  is  Latin ;  but 
a  modern  Latin  scholar,  without  any  means 
other  than  an  inspection  of  the  work,  would  be 
utterly  unable  to  decipher  it.  In  fact,  though 
the  character  is  highly  wrought,  and  in  some 
respects  elegant,  the  whole  style  and  arrange- 
ment of  the  work  is  pretty  nearly  on  a  par,  in 
respect  to  scientific  skill,  with  Queen  Emma's 
designs  upon  the  Bayeux  tapestry.  About  half 
a  century  ago,  copies  of  these  works  were  print- 
ed, by  means  of  type  made  to  represent  the  orig- 
inal character.  But  these  printed  editions  were 
found  unintelligible  and  useless  until  copious 
indexes  were  prepared,  and  published  to  accom- 
pany them,  at  great  expense  of  time  and  labor. 
Some  little  idea  of  the  character  and  style  of 
this  celebrated  record  may  be  obtained  from  the 
following  specimen,  which  is  as  faithful  an  im- 


A.D.  1082.]  The  Conclusion.  273 

Specimen  of  the  Domesday  Book.  Translation. 

itation  of  the  original  as  any  ordinary  typogra- 
phy will  allow : 

Xn  atafyfatari  SBurt&'i 

tf  Com 

%V£  Un  ftetimttttesse.  Aetata9  temiit.  WZ  w  fcetft 

$.  xUl  J)f&.  ra°  $.  pit.  !>».  &ra.  e.  MR.  tar.  J£Onfo.  e  una 

car.  7  fl*.  bftli  7  fl?m.  iorB  cu.  uw.  rat. 

JIM  ncfoa  7  jtilcjTs  mta.  7  #.  ac  p a «.  SUba*  i.  awe 

St  $agnag : 

The  passage,  deciphered  and  expressed  in 
full,  stands  thus  —  the  letters  omitted  in  the 
original,  above,  being  supplied  in  italics : 

In  B  resist  an  HuNDrecfo. 
Rex  tenet  Bermundesye.  Heraldws  comes  termit.  Tunc 
se  defendebat  pro  xiii.  hides,  modo  pro  xii.  hides.  Terra  est  viii. 
c&vrucatarum.  In  dominio  es£  una  eoxrucata  et  xxv.  villani 
et  xxxiii.  hovdarii  cu»i  una  enrmcata.  Ibi  nova  et  pulehra 
ecclesia,  et  xx.  acrce  prati.     Silva  v.  porcis  de  pasnag^o. 

The  English  translation  is  as  follows : 

In  Brixistan  Hundred. 
The  king  holds  Bermundesye.  Earl  Herald  held  it  [be- 
fore]. At  that  time  it  was  rated  at  thirteen  hides ;  now,  at 
twelve.  The  arable  land  is  eight  carrucates  \or  plow-lands]. 
There  is  one  carrucate  in  demesne,  and  twenty -five  villans, 
and  thirty-three  bordars,  with  one  carrucate.  There  is  a  new 
and  handsome  church,  with  twenty  acres  of  meadow,  and 
woodland  for  five  hogs  in  pasnage  [pasturage]  time. 

But  we  must  pass  on  to  the  conclusion  of  the 
story.     About  the  year  1082,  Queen  Matilda's 


274      William  the  Conqueror. 

Matilda's  health  declines.  Death  of  her  daughter. 

health  began  seriously  to  decline.  She  was 
harassed  by  a  great  many  anxieties  and  cares 
connected  with  the  affairs  of  state  which  de- 
volved upon  her,  and  arising  from  the  situation 
of  her  family :  these  anxieties  produced  great 
dejection  of  spirits,  and  aggravated,  if  they  did 
not  wholly  cause,  her  bodily  disease.  She  was  at 
this  time  in  Normandy.  One  great  source  of 
her  mental  suffering  was  her  anxiety  in  respect 
to  one  of  her  daughters,  who,  as  well  as  her- 
self, was  declining  in  health.  Forgetting  her 
own  danger  in  her  earnest  desires  for  the  wel- 
fare of  her  child,  she  made  a  sort  of  pilgrimage 
to  a  monastery  which  contained  the  shrine  of 
a  certain  saint,  who,  as  she  imagined,  had  pow- 
er to  save  her  daughter.  She  laid  a  rich  pres- 
ent on  the  shrine ;  she  offered  before  it  most 
earnest  prayers,  imploring,  with  tears  of  bitter 
grief,  the  intercession  of  the  saint,  and  mani- 
festing every  outward  symbol  of  humility  and 
faith.  She  took  her  place  in  the  religious  serv- 
ices of  the  monastery,  and  conformed  to  its 
usages,  as  if  she  had  been  in  the  humblest  pri- 
vate station.  But  all  was  in  vain.  The  health 
of  her  beloved  daughter  continued  to  fail,  until 
at  length  she  died ;  and  Matilda,  growing  her- 
self more  feeble,  and  almost  broken  hearted 


A.D.1083.]  The  Conclusion.  275 

Matilda  retires  to  her  palace  at  Caen.  Her  distress  of  mind. 

through  grief,  shut  herself  up  in  the  palace  at 
Caen. 

It  was  in  the  same  palace  which  William 
had  built,  within  his  monastery,  many  long 
years  before,  at  the  time  of  their  marriage. 
Matilda  looked  back  to  that  period,  and  to  the 
buoyant  hopes  and  bright  anticipations  of  pow- 
er, glory,  and  happiness  which  then  filled  her 
heart,  with  sadness  and  sorrow.  The  power 
and  the  glory  had  been  attained,  and  in  a  meas- 
ure tenfold  greater  than  she  had  imagined,  but 
the  happiness  had  never  come.  Ambition  had 
been  contending  unceasingly  for  twenty  years, 
among  all  the  branches  of  her  family,  against 
domestic  peace  and  love.  She  possessed,  her- 
self, an  aspiring  mind,  but  the  principles  of  ma- 
ternal and  conjugal  love  were  stronger  in  her 
heart  than  those  of  ambition ;  and  yet  she  was 
compelled  to  see  ambition  bearing  down  and  de- 
stroying love  in  all  its  forms  every  where  around 
her.  Her  last  days  were  embittered  by  the 
breaking  out  of  new  contests  between  her  hus- 
band and  her  son. 

Matilda  sought  for  peace  and  comfort  in  mul- 
tiplying her  religious  services  and  observances. 
She  fasted,  she  prayed,  she  interceded  for  the 
forgiveness  of  her  sins  with  many  tears.     The 


276       "William  the  Conqueror. 

Matilda's  health.  Memorials  of  her. 

monks  celebrated  mass  at  her  bed-side,  and 
made,  as  she  thought,  by  renewing  the  sacrifice 
of  Christ,  a  fresh  propitiation  for  her  sins.  Will- 
iam, who  was  then  in  Normandy,  hearing  of 
her  forlorn  and  unhappy  condition,  came  to  see 
her.     He  arrived  just  in  time  to  see  her  die. 

They  conveyed  her  body  from  the  palace  in 
her  husband's  monastery  at  Caen  to  the  convent 
which  she  had  built.  It  was  received  there  in 
solemn  state,  and  deposited  in  the  tomb.  For 
centuries  afterward,  there  remained  many  me- 
morials of  her  existence  and  her  greatness  there, 
in  paintings,  embroideries,  sacred  gifts,  and  rec- 
ords, which  have  been  gradually  wasted  away 
by  the  hand  of  time.  They  have  not,  however, 
wholly  disappeared,  for  travelers  who  visit  the 
spot  find  that  many  memorials  and  traditions 
of  Matilda  linger  there  still. 

William  himself  did  not  live  many  years  af- 
ter the  death  of  his  wife.  He  was  several  years 
older  than  she.  In  fact,  he  was  now  consider- 
ably advanced  in  age.  He  became  extremely 
corpulent  as  he  grew  old,  which,  as  he  was  orig- 
inally of  a  large  frame,  made  him  excessively 
unwieldy.  The  inconvenience  resulting  from 
this  habit  of  body  was  not  the  only  evil  that 
attended  it.     It  affected  his  health,  and  even 


A.D.1085.]  The  Conclusion.  277 

William's  declining  years.  His  fitfulness  and  discontent. 

threatened  to  end  in  serious  if  not  fatal  disease. 
While  he  was  thus  made  comparatively  help- 
less in  body  by  the  infirmities  of  his  advancing 
age,  he  was  nevertheless  as  active  and  restless 
in  spirit  as  ever.  It  was,  however,  no  longer 
the  activity  of  youth,  and  hope,  and  progress 
which  animated  him,  but  rather  the  fitful  un- 
easiness with  which  age  agitates  itself  under 
the  vexations  which  it  sometimes  has  to  endure, 
or  struggles  convulsively  at  the  approach  of  real 
or  imaginary  dangers,  threatening  the  posses- 
sions which  it  has  been  the  work  of  life  to  gain. 
The  dangers  in  William's  case  were  real,  not 
imaginary.  He  was  continually  threatened  on 
every  side.  In  fact,  the  very  year  before  he 
died,  the  dissensions  between  himself  and  Rob- 
ert broke  out  anew,  and  he  was  obliged,  un- 
wieldy and  helpless  as  he  was,  to  repair  to  Nor- 
mandy, at  the  head  of  an  armed  force,  to  quell 
the  disturbances  which  Robert  and  his  partisans 
had  raised. 

Robert  was  countenanced  and  aided  at  this 
time  by  Philip,  the  king  of  France,  who  had 
always  been  King  William's  jealous  and  im- 
placable rival.  Philip,  who,  as  will  be  recollect- 
ed, was  very  young  when  William  asked  his 
aid  at  the  time  of  his  invasion  of  England,  was 


278       William  the   Conqueror. 

Philip  ridicules  William.  William's  rage. 

now  in  middle  life,  and  at  the  height  of  his 
power.  As  he  had  refused  "William  his  aid,  he 
was  naturally  somewhat  envious  and  jealous  of 
his  success,  and  he  was  always  ready  to  take 
part  against  him.  He  now  aided  and  abetted 
Robert  in  his  turbulence  and  insubordination, 
and  ridiculed  the  helpless  infirmities  of  the  aged 
king. 

While  William  was  in  Normandy,  he  sub- 
mitted to  a  course  of  medical  treatment,  in  the 
hope  of  diminishing  his  excessive  corpulency, 
and  relieving  the  disagreeable  and  dangerous 
symptoms  which  attended  it.  While  thus  in 
his  physician's  hands,  he  was,  of  course,  con- 
fined to  his  chamber.  Philip,  in  ridicule,  called 
it  "  being  in  the  straw."  He  asked  some  one 
who  appeared  at  his  court,  having  recently  ar- 
rived from  Normandy,  whether  the  old  woman 
of  England  was  still  in  the  straw.  Some  mis- 
erable tale-bearer,  such  as  every  where  infest 
society  at  the  present  day,  who  delight  in  quot- 
ing to  one  friend  what  they  think  will  excite 
their  anger  against  another,  repeated  these 
words  to  William.  Sick  as  he  was,  the  sar- 
casm aroused  him  to  a  furious  paroxysm  of  rage. 
He  swore  by  "  (rod's  brightness  and  resurrec- 
tion" that,  when  he  got  out  again,  he  would 


A.D.  1086.]  The   Conclusion.  279 

William's  threats.  Conflagration  of  Mantes. 

kindle  such  fires  in  Philip's  dominions,  in  com- 
memoration of  his  delivery,  as  should  make  his 
realms  too  hot  to  hold  him. 

He  kept  his  word — at  least  so  far  as  respects 
the  kindling  of  the  fires ;  but  the  fires,  instead 
of  making  Philip's  realms  too  hot  to  hold  him, 
by  a  strange  yet  just  retribution,  were  simply 
the  means  of  closing  forever  the  mortal  career 
of  the  hand  that  kindled  them.  The  circum- 
stances of  this  final  scene  of  the  great  conquer- 
or's earthly  history  were  these  : 

In  the  execution  of  his  threat  to  make  Philip's 
dominions  too  hot  to  hold  him,  William,  as  soon 
as  he  was  able  to  mount  his  horse,  headed  an 
expedition,  and  crossed  the  frontiers  of  Nor- 
mandy, and  moved  forward  into  the  heart  of 
France,  laying  waste  the  country,  as  he  ad- 
vanced, with  fire  and  sword.  He  came  soon  to 
the  town  of  Mantes,  a  town  upon  the  Seine, 
directly  on  the  road  to  Paris.  "William's  soldiers 
attacked  the  town  with  furious  impetuosity, 
carried  it  by  assault,  and  set  it  on  fire.  Will- 
iam followed  them  in,  through  the  gates,  glory- 
ing in  the  fulfillment  of  his  threats  of  vengeance. 
Some  timbers  from  a  burning  house  had  fallen 
into  the  street,  and,  burning  there,  had  left  a 
smoldering  bed  of  embers,  in  which  the  fire  was 


280      William  the  Conqueror. 

William's  injury.  His  great  danger. 

still  remaining.  William,  excited  with  the 
feeling  of  exultation  and  victory,  was  riding 
unguardedly  on  through  the  scene  of  ruin  he 
had  made,  issuing  orders,  and  shouting  in  a 
frantic  manner  as  he  went,  when  he  was  sud- 
denly stopped  hy  a  violent  recoil  of  his  horso 
from  the  burning  embers,  on  which  he  had 
stepped,  and  which  had  been  concealed  from 
view  by  the  ashes  which  covered  them.  Will- 
iam, unwieldy  and  comparatively  helpless  as 
he  was,  was  thrown  with  great  force  upon  the 
pommel  of  the  saddle.  He  saved  himself  from 
falling  from  the  horse,  but  he  immediately 
found  that  he  had  sustained  some  serious  inter- 
nal injury.  He  was  obliged  to  dismount,  and 
to  be  conveyed  away,  by  a  very  sudden  transi- 
tion, from  the  dreadful  scene  of  conflagration 
and  vengeance  which  he  had  been  enacting,  to 
the  solemn  chamber  of  death.  They  made  a 
litter  for  him,  and  a  corps  of  strong  men  was 
designated  to  bear  the  heavy  and  now  helpless 
burden  back  to  Normandy. 

They  took  the  suffering  monarch  to  Rouen. 
The  ablest  physicians  were  summoned  to  his 
bed-side.  After  examining  his  case,  they  con- 
cluded that  he  must  die.  The  tidings  threw 
the  unhappy  patient  into  a  state  of  extreme 


A.D.1087.]  The  Conclusion.  283 

William's  remorse.  His  last  acts. 

anxiety  and  terror.  .  The  recollection  of  the 
thousand  deeds  of  selfish  ambition  and  cruelty 
which  he  had  been  perpetrating,  he  said,  all  his 
days,  filled  him  with  remorse.  He  shrunk  back 
with  invincible  dread  from  the  hour,  now  so 
rapidly  approaching,  when  he  was  to  appear  in 
judgment  before  Grod,  and  answer,  like  any 
common  mortal,  for  his  crimes.  He  had  been 
accustomed  all  his  life  to  consider  himself  as 
above  all  law,  superior  to  all  power,  and  beyond 
the  reach  of  all  judicial  question.  But  now  his 
time  had  come.  He  who  had  so  often  made 
others  tremble,  trembled  now  in  his  turn,  with 
an  acuteness  of  terror  and  distress  which  only 
the  boldest  and  most  high-handed  offenders  ever 
feel.  He  cried  bitterly  to  (rod  for  forgiveness, 
and  brought  the  monks  around  him  to  help  him 
with  incessant  prayers.  He  ordered  all  the 
money  that  he  had  on  hand  to  be  given  to  the 
poor.  He  sent  commands  to  have  the  churches 
which  he  had  burned  at  Mantes  rebuilt,  and 
the  other  injuries  which  he  had  effected  in  his 
anger  repaired.  In  a  word,  he  gave  himself 
very  earnestly  to  the  work  of  attempting,  by 
all  the  means  considered  most  efficacious  in 
those  days,  to  avert  and  appease  the  dreaded 
anger  of  heaven. 


284      "William  the  Conqueror. 

Robert  absent.  He  receives  Normandy. 

Of  his  three  oldest  sons,  Robert  was  away ; 
the  quarrel  between  him  and  his  father  had  be- 
come irreconcilable,  and  he  would  not  come  to 
visit  him,  even  in  his  dying  hours.  "William 
Rufus  and  Henry  were  there,  and  they  remain- 
ed very  constantly  at  their  father's  bed-side — 
not,  however,  from  a  principle  of  filial  affection, 
but  because  they  wanted  to  be  present  when  he 
should  express  his  last  wishes  in  respect  to  the 
disposal  of  his  dominions.  Such  an  expression, 
though  oral,  would  be  binding  as  a  will.  When, 
at  length,  the  king  gave  his  dying  directions  in 
respect  to  the  succession,  it  appeared  that,  aft- 
er all,  he  considered  his  right  to  the  English 
throne  as  very  doubtful  in  the  sight  of  God. 
He  had,  in  a  former  part  of  his  life,  promised 
Normandy  to  Robert,  as  his  inheritance,  when 
he  himself  should  die  ;  and  though  he  had  so 
often  refused  to  surrender  it  to  him  while  he 
himself  continued  to  live,  he  confirmed  his  title 
to  the  succession  now.  "  I  have  promised  it  to 
him,"  he  said,  "  and  I  keep  my  promise ;  and 
yet  I  know  that  that  will  be  a  miserable  coun- 
try which  is  subject  to  his  government.  He  is 
a  proud  and  foolish  knave,  and  can  never  pros- 
per. As  for  my  kingdom  of  England,"  he  con- 
tinued, "  I  bequeath  it  to  no  one,  for  it  was  not 


A.D.  1087.]  The  Conclusion.  285 

William  Rufus  and  Henry.  The  king's  will. 

bequeathed  to  me.  I  acquired  it  by  force,  and 
at  the  price  of  blood.  I  leave  it  in  the  hands 
of  Grod,  only  wishing  that  my  son  William  Ru- 
fus may  have  it,  for  he  has  been  submissive  to 
me  in  all  things."  "  And  what  do  you  give  me, 
father?"  asked  Henry,  eagerly,  at  this  point. 
"  I  give  you,"  said  the  king,  "  five  thousand 
pounds  from  my  treasury."  "  But  what  shall 
I  do  with  my  five  thousand  pounds,"  asked 
Henry,  "  if  you  do  not  give  me  either  house  or 
land  ?"  "  Be  quiet,  my  son,"  rejoined  the  king, 
"  and  trust  in  Grod.  Let  your  brothers  go  be- 
fore you  ;  your  turn  will  come  after  theirs." 

The  object  which  had  kept  the  young  men  at 
their  father's  bed-side  having  been  now  attain- 
ed, they  both  withdrew.  Henry  went  to  get 
his  money,  and  William  Rufus  set  off  immedi- 
ately for  England,  to  prepare  the  way  for  his 
own  accession  to  the  throne,  as  soon  as  his  fa- 
ther should  be  no  more. 

The  king  determined  to  be  removed  from  his 
castle  in  Rouen  to  a  monastery  which  was  situ- 
ated at  a  short  distance  from  the  city,  without 
the  walls.  The  noise  of  the  city  disturbed  him, 
and,  besides,  he  thought  he  should  feel  safer  to 
die  on  sacred  ground.  He  was  accordingly  re- 
moved to  the  monastery.     There,  on  the  tenth 


286      "William  the  Conqueror. 

William's  death.  Abandonment  of  the  body. 

of  September,  he  was  awakened  in  the  morning 
by  hearing  the  city  bells  ringing.  He  asked 
what  it  meant.  He  was  told  that  the  bells  were 
ringing  for  the  morning  service  at  the  church 
of  St.  Mary.  He  lifted  up  his  hands,  looked  to 
heaven,  and  said,  "  I  commend  myself  to  my 
Lady  Mary,  the  holy  Mother  of  G-od,"  and  al- 
most immediately  expired. 

The  readers  of  history  have  frequent  occasion 
to  be  surprised  at  the  sudden  and  total  change 
which  often  takes  place  at  the  moment  of  the 
death  of  a  mighty  sovereign,  and  even  some- 
times before  his  death,  in  the  indications  of  the 
respect  and  consideration  with  which  his  attend- 
ants and  followers  regard  him.  In  William's 
case,  as  has  happened  in  many  other  cases  since, 
the  moment  he  ceased  to  breathe  he  was  utter- 
ly abandoned.  Every  body  fled,  carrying  with 
them,  as  they  went,  whatever  they  could  seize 
from  the  chamber — the  arms,  the  furniture,  the 
dresses,  and  the  plate ;  for  all  these  articles  be- 
came their  perquisites  on  the  decease  of  their 
master.  The  almost  incredible  statement  is 
made  that  the  heartless  monsters  actually  strip- 
ped the  dead  body  of  their  sovereign,  to  make 
sure  of  all  their  dues,  and  left  it  naked  on  the 
stone  floor,  while  they  bore  their  prizes  to  a 


AJD.  1087.]  The  Conclusion.  287 

Apprehensions  of  the  people.  The  body  removed  to  Caen. 

place  of  safety.  The  body  lay  in  this  neglected 
state  for  many  hours ;  for  the  tidings  of  the 
great  monarch's  death,  which  was  so  sudden  at 
last,  produced,  as  it  spread,  universal  excite- 
ment and  apprehension.  No  one  knew  to  what 
changes  the  event  would  lead,  what  wars  would 
follow  between  the  sons,  or  what  insurrections 
or  rebellions  might  have  been  secretly  formed, 
to  break  out  suddenly  when  this  crisis  should 
have  arrived.  Thus  the  whole  community  were 
thrown  into  a  state  of  excitement  and  confusion. 

The  monk  and  lay  brethren  of  the  monas- 
tery at  length  came  in,  took  up  the  body,  and 
prepared  it  for  burial.  They  then  brought 
crosses,  tapers,  and  censers,  and  began  to  offer 
prayers  and  to  chant  requiems  for  the  repose  of 
the  soul  of  the  deceased.  They  sent  also  the 
Archbishop  of  Rouen,  to  know  what  was  to  be 
done  with  the  body.  The  archbishop  gave  or- 
ders that  it  should  be  taken  to  Caen,  and  be 
deposited  there  in  the  monastery  which  William 
had  erected  at  the  time  of  his  marriage. 

The  tale  which  the  ancient  historians  have 
told  in  respect  to  the  interment  is  still  more  ex- 
traordinary, and  more  inconsistent  with  all  the 
ideas  we  naturally  form  of  the  kind  of  consider- 
ation and  honor  which  the  remains  of  so  great 


288      William  the  Conqueror. 

Extraordinary  scenes.     The  body  conveyed  to  the  monastery  on  a  cart. 

a  potentate  would  receive  at  the  hands  of  his 
household  and  his  officers  of  state,  than  the  ac- 
count of  his  death.  It  is  said  that  all  the  mem- 
bers of  his  household,  and  all  his  officers,  imme- 
diately after  his  decease,  abandoned  the  town- 
all  eagerly  occupied  in  plans  and  maneuvers  to 
secure  their  positions  under  the  new  reign. 
Some  went  in  pursuit  of  Robert,  and  some  to 
follow  "William  Rums.  Henry  locked  up  his 
money  in  a  strong  box,  well  ironed,  and  went 
off  with  it  to  find  some  place  of  security.  There 
was  nobody  left  to  take  the  neglected  body  to 
the  grave. 

At  last  a  countryman  was  found  who  under- 
took to  transport  the  heavy  burden  from  Rouen 
to  Caen.  He  procured  a  cart,  and  conveyed  it 
from  the  monastery  to  the  river,  where  it  was 
put  on  board  a  vessel,  and  taken  down  the  Seine 
to  its  mouth,  and  thence  by  sea  to  Caen.  The 
Abbot  of  St.  Stephen's,  which  was  the  name  of 
William's  monastery  there,  came,  with  some 
monks  and  a  procession  of  the  people,  to  accom- 
pany the  body  to  the  abbey.  As  this  proces- 
sion was  moving  along,  however,  a  fire  broke 
out  in  the  town,  and  the  attendants,  actuated 
either  by  a  sense  of  duty  requiring  them  to  aid 
in  extinguishing  the  flames,  or  by  curiosity  to 


A.D.1087.]  The  Conclusion.  289 

The  procession  broken  up.  Scene  at  the  interment. 

witness  the  conflagration,  abandoned  the  funer- 
al cortege.  The  procession  was  broken  up,  and 
the  whole  multitude,  clergy  and  laity,  went  off 
to  the  fire,  leaving  the  coffin,  with  its  bearers, 
alone.  The  bearers,  however,  went  on,  and  con- 
veyed their  charge  to  the  church  within  the  ab- 
bey walls. 

"When  the  time  arrived  for  the  interment,  a 
great  company  assembled  to  witness  the  cere- 
monies. Stones  had  been  taken  up  in  the 
church  floor,  and  a  grave  dug.  A  stone  coffin, 
a  sort  of  sarcophagus,  had  been  prepared,  and 
placed  in  the  grave  as  a  receptacle  for  the  body. 
When  all  was  ready,  and  the  body  was  about 
to  be  let  down,  a  man  suddenly  came  forward 
from  the  crowd  and  arrested  the  proceedings. 
He  said  that  the  land  on  which  the  abbey  stood 
belonged  to  him ;  that  "William  had  taken  for- 
cible possession  of  it,  for  the  abbey,  at  the  time 
of  his  marriage ;  that  he,  the  owner,  had  been 
compelled  thus  far  to  submit  to  this  wrong,  in- 
asmuch as  he  had,  during  William's  life-time, 
no  means  of  redress,  but  now  he  protested 
against  a  spoliation.  "  The  land,"  he  said, 
"  is  mine ;  it  belonged  to  my  father.  I  have 
not  sold  it,  or  forfeited  it,  nor  pledged  it,  nor 
given  it.     It  is  my  right.     I  claim  it.     In  the 


290      William  the  Conqueror. 

The  sarcophagus  too  small.  The  body  burst. 

name  of  Grod,  I  forbid  you  to  put  the  body  of  the 
spoiler  there,  or  to  cover  him  with  my  ground." 

When  the  excitement  and  surprise  which 
this  denunciation  had  awakened  had  subsided 
a  little,  the  bishops  called  this  sudden  claimant 
aside,  examined  the  proofs  of  his  allegations, 
and,  finding  that  the  case  was  truly  as  he  stated 
it,  they  paid  him,  on  the  spot,  a  sum  equal  to 
the  value  of  ground  enough  for  a  grave,  and 
promised  to  take  immediate  measures  for  the 
payment  of  the  rest.  The  remonstrant  then 
consented  that  the  interment  might  proceed. 

In  attempting  to  let  the  body  down  into  the 
place  prepared  for  it,  they  found  that  the  sar- 
cophagus was  too  small.  They  undertook  to 
force  the  body  in.  In  attempting  this,  the  coffin 
was  broken,  and  the  body,  already,  through  the 
long  delays,  advanced  in  decomposition,  was 
burst.  The  monks  brought  incense  and  per- 
fumes, and  burned  and  sprinkled  them  around 
the  place,  but  in  vain.  The  church  was  so  of- 
fensive that  every  body  abandoned  it  at  once, 
except  the  workmen  who  remained  to  fill  the 
grave. 

While  these  things  were  transpiring  in  Nor- 
mandy, William  Rufus  had  hastened  to  En- 


A.D.1087.]  The  Conclusion.  291 

William  Rufus  obtains  possession  of  the  English  throne. 

gland,  taking  with  him  the  evidences  of  his  fa- 
ther's dying  wish  that  he  should  succeed  him 
on  the  English  throne.  Before  he  reached  head- 
quarters there,  he  heard  of  his  father's  death, 
and  he  succeeded  in  inducing  the  Norman  chief- 
tains to  proclaim  him  king.  Robert's  friends 
made  an  effort  to  advance  his  claims,  hut  they 
could  do  nothing  effectual  for  him,  and  so  it 
was  soon  settled,  by  a  treaty  between  the  broth- 
ers, that  William  Rufus  should  reign  in  En- 
gland, while  Robert  was  to  content  himself 
with  his  father's  ancient  domain  of  Normandy. 


The  End. 


